Iran's Nuclear Snub

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright Dec. 22, 2009
All Rights Reserved.                    

              Rejecting a U.S. deadline to accept a U.N. proposal to enrich uranium outside Iran, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad refused to honor the end-of-year deadline to stop enriching uranium.  Warning Iran about more sanctions, the U.S. played into Ahmadienjad’s hands, insisting Tehran follow the year-end deadline.  Calling on the U.S. to “change their attitude,” Ahmandinejad rejected White House calls for compliance of the International Atomic Energy Agency agreements to reprocess enriched uranium outside Iranian territory.  Ahamadinejad views any attempt to impose parameters on Iran’s nuclear program meddlesome, “bullying” and inappropriate by foreign powers, seeking to slow Iran’s pursuit of atomic weapons.  White House spokesman Robert Gibbs insisted President Barack Obama, deeply buried in passing his health reform bill, sought real consequences.

            Obama’s predecessor, former President George W. Bush, couldn’t contain a growing Iranian nuclear threat, in part because he was too mired with wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.  Bush lectured Ahamadinejad to avail, running into roadblocks in the U.N. Security Council, especially reluctance on the part of Russia and China to impose more draconic sanctions.  While there’s more frustration with Tehran, there’s still no real support in the Security Council to impose sanctions with teeth.  “Mr. Ahgmadinejad may not recognize, for whatever reasons, the deadline that looms, but that is a very real deadline to the international community,” said Gibbs, forgetting that Ahmadinejad can count votes on the Security Council.  Gibbs knows that two-out-of-five veto-wielding powers on the Council oppose ratcheting up sanctions, throwing a monkey wrench into Obama’s get-tough stand.

            Pressing Iran on its nuclear program plays domestically into Ahmadinejad’s hands.  Since winning a fraudulent election June 13, an active protest movement led by opposition candidate Mir-Hossein Mousavi has been violently suppressed, rearing its ugly head Dec. 21 at the funeral in Qom of Iran’s dissident cleric Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri.  While the world debates about Iran’s nuclear program, Iran continues to build enrichment facilities and stockpile highly enriched uranium needed to build its first A-bomb.  “Now they have to live up to those responsibilities and if they fail to do so, the international community will act accordingly,” said Gibbs, warning Tehran to comply with prior U.N. agreements.  Gibbs knows that the U.S.—or U.N. for that matter—has no real clout with Tehran, whose nuclear enrichment program has been as source of national pride.

            Iran has no intent of living up to any bargain with the U.N. and especially not the U.S.  Ahmadinejad knows he holds all the cards with his government holding three U.S. hikers who inadvertently strayed into Iran Aug. 14 and face trial for spying.  Gibbs’ tough talk does nothing to induce Iran to comply with the International Atomic Energy Agency proposal or, for that matter, resolve the latest hostage crisis amicably.  Talking publicly about new sanctions underway in the Security Council assures that the three hostages will remain in captivity longer than necessary.  “Those preparations have begun.  Discussions have been had with leaders about those next steps at the U.N. As you know in September, in meeting with the Chinese on the recent trip,” said Gibbs, telegraphing to Tehran that the U.S. is actively involved in plotting more draconic sanctions for failing to comply with IAEA demands.

            Recent reports from the U.K. about Iran test-firing a nuclear trigger device also don’t help the three American hostages or prospects for resolving the stalemate diplomatically.  Adamantly denying the reports, Ahmadinejad told newly minted ABC “Evening News” anchor Diane Sawyer the British documents were fakes.  “No I do not want to see them at all,” said Ahmadinejad.  “I do not.  They are all fabricated bunch of papers continuously forged and disseminated by the American government,” attesting, if nothing else, to the rampant paranoia and bad-blood between Tehran and Washington.  Ahmadinejad knows that with Obama’s recent troop escalation in Afghanistan the U.S. can’t afford to open up a new battlefront.  Obama also knows that he can’t count on veto-wielding China or Russia to support his desire for more draconic sanctions on the Persian nation.  

            White House officials would be better served by playing their cards close to the vest about future Iranian sanctions.  With Iran holding three American hostages, telegraphing hostile actions can only serve to delay their eventual release.  After Barack’s health care bill becomes law, he needs to take a serious inventory of U.S.-Iranian policy, especially what steps, if any, can be done to restrain a growing Iranian nuclear threat.  While there’s more support in the Security Council among Western powers for stiffer sanctions, Russia and China are unlikely to go along.  Ahmandinejad loves nothing more than Washington’s harsh rhetoric, something that serves as a rallying cry to disenfranchised Iranians looking to pick a fight with the West.  Barack’s communication team should tone down the rhetoric about harsher sanctions or face more recalcitrance with Iran’s nuclear program and U.S. hostages.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news.  He’s editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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