by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright November 30, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

ppointing former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger to chair an independent commission into the events of Sept. 11, President George W. Bush demonstrated uncanny savvy, picking one of the nation's leading icons of credibility—America's best-known diplomat. Robbing Democrats of political hay, Kissinger gives the commission unassailable authority, despite his 25-year absence from government service. Ending his career as both national security advisor and secretary of state under President Gerald R. Ford in 1977, Kissinger has maintained high-profile media visibility—he's virtually a household word. Since leaving the Ford White House, Kissinger has written extensively on foreign policy, featured often on the most prestigious opinion pages, published numerous books, articles and monographs, including his highly praised memoirs, and lectured widely around the nation and world. Few public figures alive today command Kissinger's stature and credentials.

      Though Kissinger has his critics, the overwhelming consensus touts his past accomplishments and current professional work. "He will do a serious job," said former Clinton national security advisor Anthony Lake, who served on Kissinger's staff, before parting ways after the controversial 1970 invasion of Cambodia. Speaking to reporters outside the White House, Kissinger hoped the commission would "contribute to the safety of America, to the future of America and to the avoidance of future tragedies," though some doubt whether he'll follow all leads into the Oval Office. Despite past controversies working for Nixon—including a CIA-sponsored coup that toppled Chile's leftist President Salvador Allende—Kissinger enjoys widespread support. Kissinger's "depth of experience . . . will undoubtedly help to achieve the commission's objectives," said maverick Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), believing that he's the right man for the job. Like the panel that evaluated Pearl Harbor, the Kissinger Commission will need to get to the bottom of the disgraceful breakdown in national security on Sept. 11.

       Leading the commission, Kissinger will need to navigate political minefields on both sides of the aisle. After taking a drubbing in November, Democrats will seek ammunition to indict White House policies, including alleged complacency over 9/11. Republicans, on the other hand, may try to gloss over blatant missteps and security lapses. "His investigation should carefully examine all the evidence and follow all the facts wherever they may lead," said President Bush, silencing critics that Kissinger will rubber stamp administration policy. "We must uncover every detail and learn every lesson of Sept. 11," giving Kissinger an unrestricted license to find what led to U.S. vulnerability. In an age of asymmetric warfare, the commission will have to uncover gathering threats, inadequate preparedness and steps needed to close the gap.

      Blaming the FBI or CIA won't automatically improve harmony with the disparate agencies now part of the Department of Homeland Security. Kissinger developed a close relationship with Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld when both served under President Ford. Both Rumsfeld and Kissinger believe that U.S. intelligence agencies must do a better job of getting and sharing information. "There should be an initial sweeping review of intelligence procedures and organization," Kissinger said immediately following Sept. 11, though admitting, a week later, that the intelligence community had deteriorated for many years. Kissinger should improve dialogue between the FBI and CIA, something sorely lacking. While the White House initially opposed a congressional inquiry, they wholeheartedly back Kissinger's mission because it takes heat off the administration.

      Naming 69-year-old former Sen. George Mitchell (D-Maine) co-chairman gives the commission political balance. Mitchell served President Clinton as a special envoy, brokering peace deals in Northern Ireland and Israel. Besides intelligence failures, the commission will investigate terrorist networks, diplomacy, immigration policies and aviation security. But by far the commission's most important task is to find what caused security failures and make concrete recommendations. "The sooner we have the commission's conclusions, the sooner this administration will act on them," said Bush, eager to get Kissinger's suggestions. With an Israeli airline nearly taken down in Kenya by terrorists brandishing Russian-made shoulder-fired heat-seeking SA-7 missiles, Kissinger's commission takes on new urgency. U.S. airlines are also vulnerable to asymmetric threats, especially today's Mideast terrorists.

      Choosing another steady hand, the White House scored a major coup picking Henry Kissinger. No other task commands more urgency than looking into U.S. vulnerability—and failures—before and after Sept. 11. Few officials command Kissinger's credibility and stature when it comes to national security. His brilliance and distinguished service puts the country's best mind to solve today's urgent conundrum: How to identify and manage emerging threats to national security. Secretary Tom Ridge and the newly minted Department of Homeland Security will benefit enormously from Kissinger's wisdom while implementing the most sweeping reforms since World War II. Following his instincts, Kissinger must make shrewd calculations, present tough recommendations, and wield a dispassionate scalpel for the good of the country. If heads must roll, it's better sooner rather than later.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's a consultant and expert in strategic communication. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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