Revolution Returns to Eyptian Streets

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright Nov. 25, 2012
All Rights Reserved.                                         

        Paranoid that he’s losing his grip on power, Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi acquiesced to the Muslim Brotherhood, granting himself powers immune to judicial oversight.  Like the U.S. Federal Reserve Board, Morsi now has no commanding legal authority over him.  Morsi said he acted to “protect the revolution,” something rejected by various secular groups led by opposition candidate, Nobel Prize-winning former U.N. International Atomic Energy Agency Director Mohammed ElBaradei.  Calling Morsi’s actions an “unprecedented assault” on the Egyptian Constitution, the Alexandria-based Supreme Judicial Council called for nationwide strikes.  Since Morsi’s decree Nov. 21, pro-revolutionary groups returned to Cairo’s Tahrir Square to protest Morsi’s power grab.  Morsi’s actions don’t protect the revolution, they consolidated the Muslim Brotherhood’s grip on power.

            Morsi’s edict falls on the heels of his masterful diplomacy ending the latest Hamas-Israeli war, winning the 61-year-old Egyptian president praise from the international community.  Morsi said he took the unusual steps not as a power grab but to prevent Mubarak-era dead-enders in the judiciary from blocking pro-revolutionary reforms.  Contending the Egypt’s Supreme Judicial Council already dissolved the lower house of parliament to prevent the rewrite of the Egyptian Constitution, Morsi acted to protect pro-revolutionary reforms.  Accusing the Mubarak-era Supreme Judicial Council of blocking needed reforms, Morsi exempted himself from judicial oversight, causing rioting around the country.  Calling Morsi Egypt’s “new Pharoah,” ElBaradei expressed his displeasure with his actions.  ElBaradei is still smarting from this loss in the 2012 presidential elections to Morsi. 

                     Before Morsi acted unilaterally, he should have at least floated a trial balloon of his intentions.  It wouldn’t take long to read public sentiment that now threatens to topple his new government.  “There is a good deal of anger, chaos, confusion.  Violence is spreading to many places and state authority is starting to erode slowly,” said ElBaradei voicing opposition to Morsi’s moves.  While Morsi resigned from the Muslim Brotherhood before running for president, the Brotherhood’s influence on his presidency is unmistakable.  ElBaradei expressed concerns that Egypt’s independent military could get fed up with Morsi’s power grab and back a different candidate.  Taking to the streets with sticks and rocks, the Muslim Brotherhood tried to protect their offices, injuring several people.  Based on how Morsi handled the delicate situation with Hamas, he showed exemplary diplomatic skills.

                 Instead of ElBaradei stoking street protests, he’d get more headway calling for a meeting with Morsi to voice his concerns.  If pro-reform policies are threatened by Mubarak-holdovers on the Supreme Judicial Council, then ElBaradei should deal with such concerns with Morsi.  Morsi demonstrated beyond any doubt with the Hamas situation that he has clout with Islamist groups.  Since a growing segment of the Egyptian population supports the Muslim Brotherhood, politicians like ElBaradei need to take them more seriously.  “There is no middle ground, no dialogue before he rescinds this declaration.  There is no room for dialogue until then,” said ElBaradei, fueling Egypt’s street protests.  While there’s nothing wrong with ElBaradei questioning Morsi’s actions, pushing Egypt closer to the brink serves no one, certainly not revolutionary forces seeking real reforms.

            ElBaradei and other pro-reform politicians need to take a deep breath before pushing Egyptian protesters back to Tahrir Square.  Since his inauguration June 30, 2012, Morsi has done nothing other than win the confidence of the Egyptian people.  After 30 years of Mubarak rule, Morsi offered hope that Egypt would never again get fleeced by a greedy dictator, more concerned about lining his own pockets than dealing with ordinary Egyptian citizens.  Whatever ElBaradei’s motives, he needs to give Morsi some credit that he’s ending over 30 years of corruption under the Mubarak regime.  If there are dead-enders in the judiciary, they shouldn’t be allowed to block vital reforms serving the Egyptian people.  ElBaradei’s fix is getting an audience with Morsi and expressing his concerns.  Calling for street protests adds to the already unstable nature of the Egyptian street.

 John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news.  He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com.and author of Dodging the Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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