by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright November 18, 2005
All Rights Reserved.

hrowing a monkey wrench into the Valerie Plame affair, Special Counsel Patrick J. Fitzgerald was treated to some unexpected news after Pulitzer prize-winning Washington Post reporter and Deputy Managing Editor Bob Woodward admitted under oath that he knew Plame's identity in mid-June 2003. Woodward's secret occurred about the same time former chief of staff I. Lewis “Scooter” Libby learned Plame's identity from Vice President Dick Cheney. Libby was indicted Oct. 28 on five counts of perjury, obstruction of justice and lying to federal investigators, apparently shielding his boss. Woodward, who became famous from Watergate, protected his source for 30 years known as “deep throat” until retired FBI agent W. Mark Felt went public March 31. With the cast of characters narrowed, fingers started pointing at National Security Advisor Stephen Hadley.

      Traveling with President George W. Bush to a trade summit in Busan, South Korea, Hadley was asked whether he was Woodward's source. Hadley, a graduate of Cornell and Yale Law School, who took over as National Security Advisor Jan. 26, served under former presidents Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush, specifically as asst. secretary of defense under Cheney. Hadley was a member of the Defense Policy Board, a key advisor to the CIA, where he accepted responsibility for Bush's errant 2003 State of the Union message, accusing Saddam Hussein of trying to buy “yellowcake” uranium from Niger. It's no accident that Hadley would have an ax to grind against Valerie Plame's husband, former Iraq Ambassador Joseph P. Wilson IV, who criticized Bush July 6, 2003 in the New York Times for manipulating intelligence about Niger to sell the public on the Iraq War.

      Fitzgerald wouldn't comment on why Hadley wasn't considered as a probable leaker in the Plame case. When he announced his indictment against Libby Oct. 28, Woodward remained enigmatic when asked whether he thought Libby was the culprit responsible for first exposing Plame. It was Robert Novak on July 14, 2003 that outed Plame as a covert CIA operative in his syndicated column appearing in the Chicago Sun Times. Responding to reporters about whether he was the leaker, Hadley refused to answer. “I've also seen press reports from White House officials that say I am not one of his sources,” said Hadley, unwilling to answer reporters' questions. Asked whether his response amounted to “yes,” Hadley said, “it is what it is,” not falling into the same trap as Libby, establishing a public record of deceit. While Woodward hasn't revealed his source, all fingers point to Hadley.

      Looking at the bigger picture, it was Hadley who tended his resignation to Bush, accepting responsibility for the false and embarrassing information in Bush's ‘03 State of the Union message. It was Wilson who exposed Hadley, though White House apologists—including Cheney—insist Saddam sought to reconstitute his nuclear program. Putting Hadley at the crime scene opens new doors for Fitzgerald whose investigation continues to probe whether White House Deputy Chief of Staff Karl Rove or Vice President Cheney broke the law. When Fitzgerald announced the indictment Oct. 28, he singled out Libby as the government official most likely to have first leaked Plame's identity. Woodward's testimony now indicates that someone other than Libby—possibly Hadley—might have leaked Plame's identity. Libby's notes reveal that Cheney informed him in June 2003.

      Fitzgerald was smart not to charge Libby with the federal crime of revealing the identity of an undercover operative. Woodward's testimony doesn't undermine Fitzgerald's case or provide cover for Libby, since he was charged with perjury, obstruction of justice and lying to federal investigators. Hadley's possible involvement lends support to the argument that White House manipulated intelligence to make its case for war. If the national security advisor was willing to compromise Plame's identity, the White House was capable of juicing up intelligence. Establishing linkage between Hadley, Cheney and Libby lends more credibility to the idea that they had a motive and opportunity to lash out at Wilson for exposing the White House. Hadley already had to eat crow about false statements in the ‘03 State of the Union speech. Libby simply followed orders to discredit Wilson.

      Fitzgerald finally has the missing piece to the puzzle of the senior White House official who leaked the identity of covert CIA agent Valerie Plame. In Libby's notes, former CIA director George J. Tenet gave Cheney the name of Plame, the wife of Bush critic former Ambassador Joseph C. Wilson IV. It's utterly inexcusable that Bush's national security advisor Stephen Hadley compromised his Top Secret clearance to divulge Plame's identity to Woodward. Unwilling to deny that Woodward was his source, Hadley has all but admitted his role in exposing Plame's identity. “The Libby case was always going to cause heartburn for the White House,” said Washington defense lawyer E. Lawrence Barcella Jr., a former federal prosecutor, acknowledging that the story has legs in the press. If Hadley is really Woodward's source, Bush needs to fire him and call Cheney on the carpet.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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