by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright Nov. 10, 2006
All Rights Reserved.

hrowing his dutiful Secretary of State Donald H. Rumsfeld overboard, President George W. Bush handed Democrats some red meat, offering Iraq's pitchman as the sacrificial lamb. Calling Rumseld the “architect of the Iraq war” doesn't hide the fact that he was a loyal functionary implementing the Bush-Cheney policy. Everyone in the Bush White House knows that Cabinet secretaries follow orders and don't set administration policy. Bush gave Democrats and others at the Pentagon what they've been asking for: Rumsfeld's head. Rumsfeld's amusing ways kept the press off-balance, watching his daily Pentagon tap dances entertain the media. Rumsfeld slapped a lot of backs wearing his bomber jacket in Iraq. Bush's abrupt dismissal, after telling the press with a straight face before Nov. 7 he was committed to his embattled defense secretary, was surprising.

      What shocked so many was the arbitrariness with which the White House dumped Rumsfeld. Taking the “thump'n” Nov. 7, as Bush called it, losing both houses of congress, demanded something dramatic, offering up the 74-year former Navy bomber pilot. Rumsfeld's abrupt dismissal cracks the worn out façade about Iraq in which the White House tried to sell every excuse for war. When weapons of mass destruction were not found, Rumsfeld dutifully pitched White House talking points, placating growing public skepticism. From WMD to Saddam's “gathering threats,” from democratizing Iraq to redesigning the Middle East, from fighting Al Qaeda to keeping terrorists off American streets, and, ultimately, from battling good-and-evil to saving civilization, Rumsfeld sold the message. Now that he's been tossed aside, the White House's excuses for war vaporized.

      No longer can Bush, Cheney or his new salesman, former CIA director Robert Gates, sell the war with a straight face. Rumsfeld's departure reveals the cavalier manner in which the White House sold the war. Disposing the pitchman can't hide that Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney, together with the now scattered group of Neocons formerly with Pentagon's Office of Special Plans, crafted and implemented the Iraq policy, not Rumsfeld. You can't blame the salesman for selling the Edsel—it was his job. Like he did at Yale, Rumsfeld wrestled with the press, whose growing skepticism finally sunk in with American voters, dragging down the Republican Party. Bush's chief strategist Karl Rove really believed he could dupe the public into a GOP dynasty, exploiting the Christian right to divide the country into Red and Blue states. His strategy imploded but gave Bush two terms.

      Before Nov. 7, Cheney said it was “full steam ahead” on Iraq, despite trial balloons leaked by former Secretary of State James A. Baker III, now heading the Iraq Survey Group, hinting that big changes were underway. Bush said in a post-election press conference that he didn't ax Rumsfeld before election to send a wrong message to the terrorists. In reality, he continued the same optimistic chatter to give the GOP its best shot before Election Day. Rumsfeld's departure sent a powerful message to Iraq's terrorists that U.S. resolve was disintegrating. Two days later, Iraq's new al-Qaeda chief Abu Hamza Muhajer, who replaced deceased Jordanian-born terrorist Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, claimed victory. “The enemy is now teetering under the blows of the mujahedeen—and preparing to pack up and flee,” said Muhajer, fulfilling Bush's prophecy before the election.

      Bush and Cheney routinely campaigned that voting for Democrats sided with the terrorists. Opposing the war doesn't side with terrorists any more than eating humus. U.S. strategy can't be decided by terrorists' humiliating or provocative rhetoric, or, for that matter, political operatives. Since the war's inception, the White House equated dissent with treason, different strategies with appeasement. When Baker's blue ribbon panel recommends a coherent exit strategy, he won't be accused of appeasement. Supporting the troops involves more than Kevlar vests or bomb-proofed Humvees: It involves changing the mission and getting troops out of harm's way. It doesn't dishonor the dead or disgrace the country to recognize the current mission is untenable. Getting rid of Rumsfeld acknowledges that a major overhaul was needed to deal with reality and protect U.S. forces.

      Firing Rumsfeld exposed gaping holes in the White House façade to “win in Iraq.” U.S. troops expressed shock over Rumsfeld's departure because he sold them on the mission. “Don Rumsfeld's a patriot who's served our country with honor and distinction. He is a trusted adviser and a friend, and I'm deeply grateful to his service to our country,” said Bush announcing his replacement, taking no personal responsibility for a failed policy he asked Rumsfeld to sell. Iraq cost Bush his approval ratings and cost the GOP both houses of congress. While scandals didn't help, Iraq and his zealous band of Neocons pushed the GOP over the falls. Right wing strategists like Rove still can't believe voters, including, yes, evangelicals, wised up before the election. Dumping Rumsfeld is just the latest attempt to avoid responsibility. Bush must do more now than change his salesman.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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