Musharraf's Crackdown

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright November 5, 2007
All Rights Reserved.

akistan's military dictator and U.S. ally Gen. Pervez Musharraf declared a state of emergency Nov. 3, suspending the constitution and firing Supreme Court Justice Iffikhar Mohammed Chaudhry only hours before he nullified Musharraf's phony presidential rule. While President George W. Bush expressed “displeasure,” there was no attempt to stop Musharraf from arresting opponents, cutting off phone lines and seizing control of Pakistan's TV stations. Since Sept. 11, Bush considers Musharraf an ally in the war on terror, despite allowing Osama bin Laden and remnants of the Taliban to operate with impunity in the mountainous region bordering Afghanistan. “The extremism has spread to Islamabad, and the extremists are taking the writ of the government in their own hands, and even worse they are imposing their obsolete ideas on moderates,” said Musharraf on national TV.

      Bush finds himself trapped in a hypocritical policy, where his administration went to war in Iraq to democratize the Middle East. When Palestinians held free-and-fair elections Jan. 26, 2006 and picked Hamas—regarded by the State Department as a terror group—it revealed the failure of democracy. Whether Bush likes it or not, Palestinians chose a radical Islamic group for their government. Bush now believes it's appropriate to negotiate a comprehensive Mideast peace without Palestinians' duly elected government. Democracy in Pakistan also leads toward Islamic extremists, currently opposed to Musharraf's dictatorial rule. Without marshal law, Musharraf would find himself six-feet-under and Pakistan's nuclear arsenal potentially in the hands of Islamic radicals hell-bent on furthering Bin Laden's goal of a worldwide Islamic state—certainly in the Middle East.

      Musharraf fired Pakistan's Chief Justice of the Supreme Court for plotting to end his dictatorial rule. Before his arrest, Chief Justice Chaudhry was about to invalidate Musharraf's presidential election. Like most dictators, Musharraf accused Chaudhry of “working at cross-purposes with the executive” and “weakening the government's resolve to fight terrorism.” When Chaudhry approved former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto's return from exile, it challenged Musharraf's power, paving the way to Musharraf's state of emergency. Musharraf's emergency is the current challenge to his power, which kept Pakistan from falling to radicals in a 1999 bloodless coup when he ousted former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. Both Bhutto and Sharif would like to see Musharraf go but they have no way of preventing Pakistan from falling into the hands of Islamic extremists.

      Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice condemned Musharraf's heavy-handed tactics but has no answer for how to keep Pakistan from following Iran. When a democratic vote swept Iran's radical President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad into office Aug. 5, 2005, the Iranian nation spoke. Democracy in Pakistan would yield the same outcome, something the Bush administration can't tolerate. “But, in my eyes, I say with sorrow that some elements are creating hurdles in the way of democracy,” said Musharraf after essentially declaring marshal law. Rice can't have it both ways: Condemning Musharraf for suspending democracy and, at the same time, rejecting Pakistan's popular will to support a radical theocracy. There's a reason over the years why the U.S. backed authoritarian regimes supporting American interests, as opposed to risking free elections in Islamic countries.

      Democracy in the Middle East—with the exception of Israel—would turn friendly regimes into bitter enemies. “The extremists need a dictatorship, and dictatorship needs extremists,” said Bhutto, who's been critical of Musharraf's authoritarian rule. “I agree with him that we are facing a political crisis, but I believe the problem is dictatorship, I don't believe the solution is dictatorship,” taking a bizarre position since her return to Pakistan Oct. 19 was met with a devastating terrorist suicide bombing causing 145 deaths. Whether or not Bhutto despises Musharraf, there's no question that Islamic radicals would like to take Pakistan over the cliff. Neither Bush nor any other country can afford to have Pakistan's nuclear arsenal fall into the hands of radicals. Bush must tone down the criticism of Musharraf and the incendiary rhetoric to deal with Pakistan's history of Islamic extremists.

      Musharrf finds himself riding a tiger trying to control Islamic radicals and, at the same time, promote a democracy agenda. Al-Qaida and the Taliban continue to reign with impunity inside the tribal lands bordering Afghanistan. Lecturing Musharraf about Democracy carries the same hollow message as lecturing the Palestinians or Iranians about how to pick a better form of government. Musharraf, like the late Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein, held an iron grip to prevent Islamic radicals from overrunning the country. Once radicals spoke in Palestine and Iran, democracy voted-in extremists that now control the countries. Instead of lecturing Musharrf, the U.S. should allow its ally to do whatever it takes to control Islamic radicals. Spreading democracy and listening to former Prime Ministers Bhutto and Sharif would only hasten Pakistan's descent into radical Islam.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.


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