Iraq's Missing Link

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright November 4, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

ooking for a smoking gun, Europeans find little evidence supporting White House claims about a link between Al Qaeda and Baghdad. Without the connection, they see little justification for toppling Saddam Hussein. Europeans forget that Al Qaeda attacked the World Trade Center and Pentagon, not the Eiffel Tower or the Deutsche Bundestag. "We have found no evidence of links between Iraq and Al Qaeda," said Jean-Louis Bruguierre, the French judge heading an investigation into Islamic terrorism, failing to acknowledge that Baghdad provided safe haven to Al Qaeda fugitives after Sept. 11. Whether an Iraqi intelligence agent actually met 9/11 ring leader Mohamed Atta in Prague doesn't rule out Saddam aiding and abetting Al Qaeda. Europeans seem satisfied that if Baghdad didn't collude with Sept. 11, then the U.S. has no right to preemptive action to enforce U.N. resolutions.

      Swallowing Iraqi propaganda, Europeans believe toppling Hussein would further radicalize the Middle East, increasing vulnerability to Islamic terrorism. "A war in Iraq will not diminish the terrorist threat. It will probably increase it," said Baltasar Garzon, chief investigative magistrate, prosecuting Al Qaeda suspects in Madrid. Linking a second Gulf War to more terrorism on the continent breeds opposition to the Pentagon's war plans. What Europeans don't get is that President Bush can no longer sit idly by while Saddam feverishly develops nuclear bombs. Stockpiling biological, chemical and nuclear weapons doesn't threaten Europeans who currently have strong business ties to Iraq. Owed billions, France and Russia can't afford to have Saddam default on his obligations. Al Qaeda and Iraq share burning hatred toward the U.S., regardless of religious or cultural differences. Europeans believe that Saddam represents a stabilizing force, despite invading Kuwait and attacking Israel and Saudi Arabia.

      If Iraq develops nuclear bombs, there will be no stability in the Persian Gulf. Threatening to nuke Israel or other U.S. interests, it would be difficult to stop Saddam from picking off new targets. Worries about radicalization would pale in comparison to confronting an Iraqi nuclear threat. Discounting Iraq's tie to Bin Laden, Europeans find no connection to the U.S. war on terrorism. But it's precisely the shared hatred that makes the White House leery of European doubts. White House officials, including Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, have been very careful not to exaggerate a link between Iraq and Al Qeada. "We know he's got ties with Al Qaeda," said Bush, stumping in New Hampshire, echoing CIA reports that Al Qaeda fugitives received safe haven in Iraq after fleeing Afghanistan. No U.S. official ever said that Saddam Hussein colluded directly with Sept. 11 hijackers. Rumsfeld cited "bullet proof evidence" not of Iraq's direct role in 9/11, but its safe haven for Al Qaeda fugitives.

      Iraq's formidable propaganda machine attempts to discredit U.S. claims by asking for convincing proof about Iraq's connection to Sept. 11. Saying there's "no evidence" doesn't rule out Iraqi involvement, nor does it reduce the threat posed by Iraq's growing arsenal of destructive weapons. Talk of a Baghdad-Al Qaeda connection is "nonsense," said an unnamed high-ranking German intelligence official. "Not even the Americans believe it anymore," using the same spin to discredit White House plans for a regime change in Iraq. Iraqi propagandists have successfully taken European eyes off Iraq's relentless attempt to develop weapons of mass destruction. Framing the argument for war on whether a link exists between Iraq and Sept. 11 is a clever diversionary tactic. Europeans can't see how they're regurgitating Iraqi propaganda. "I have seen no link to Al Qaeda. No one has demonstrated it to me," said Garzon, expressing opposition to U.S. war plans.

      Iraqi propaganda attempts to discredit White House policy in two clever ways. If "no evidence"of an Iraq-Al Qaeda connection can be found, war is not justified. By dismissing the Prague scenario, Iraq shifts attention away from its weapons of mass destruction and proves U.S. policy is hopelessly flawed. But the real issue isn't whether Saddam colluded with 9/11, it's whether Iraq's ongoing weapons' programs threaten U.S. national security. "It could well be the case that there were links, active links, between Al Qaeda and the Iraqi regime before Sept. 11," said British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw. "What I'm asked is if I've seen any evidence of that. And the answer is: I haven't," admitting Straw hasn't seen proof but not ruling out the link. Since Sept. 11, Europeans shouldn't lecture the U.S. on what's best for national security. No multilateral approach—in the U.N. or elsewhere—prevented the worst terrorist attack in world history.

      Swallowing Iraqi propaganda, Europeans must get real about the prospects of Saddam Hussein developing nuclear bombs. Unable to cough up proof doesn't mean the U.S. shouldn't operate on its best evidence to defend national security. Insisting on disarmament, the White House isn't buying Iraqi arguments that it must have categorical proof before initiating preemptive action. 'Attacking Iraq would intensify Islamic terrorism, not reduce it," said Judge Bruguiere, arguing against possible military action. While Bruguiere has no crystal ball, you don't have to be a psychic to figure out what Saddam would do with an A-bomb. It's unthinkable to imagine him with nuclear bombs. Worries about future terrorism can't blackmail the U.S. into conceding weapons of mass destruction. No one knows for sure Iraq's connection to Sept 11. What we do know is that Saddam hates the U.S. and continues his obsession with nuclear bombs.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's a consultant and expert in strategic communication. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

    


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