Arnold's Last Stand

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright November 1, 2005
All Rights Reserved.

aking the reins from former California Gov. Gray Davis Nov. 14, 2003, Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger promised a new beginning, rescuing voters from a whopping tax increase, expected to triple the state's vehicle licensing fees. Arnold offered a fresh start, free from the partisan rancor leaving Sacramento in gridlock, near bankruptcy and buried in debt. Two years ago, the state borrowed its way out of crushing deficits, eventually getting more tax revenue from accelerated economic growth. After calling the California legislature “girly men,” Arnold has had little success negotiating with a bipartisan group of lawmakers. Unable to get his way, he threatened to bypass the legislature through California's initiative process. Rolling the dice, Arnold hopes to pass conservative reform proposals, or face the ugly prospects of dealing with angry voters, poised to send him packing.

      Arnold's popularity sank, wearing his frustration and arrogance on his sleeve. Unable to get his way with assembly and senate, he pushed several conservative initiatives, designed to (a) cap state spending [Prop. 76], (b) gerrymander new legislative districts [Prop. 77], (c) limit public school job security [Prop. 74] and (d) restrict the use of labor union dues [Prop. 75]. With his approval rating under 40%, Arnold fights an uphill battle trying to sell a reform package necessary to his second term. Although he's already announced his intent to run for reelection, his fate is tied to November's ballot initiatives. Losing all four initiatives would signal doom ahead of next year's election. With rumors that his wife Maria Shriver doesn't want him to run for a second term, the outcome of the special election takes on new meaning. Either Arnold is obliging his wife or engaged in a political suicide mission.

      Maria has been conspicuously absent from Arnold's battle for his political survival. “I wish Ms. Shriver would play a more prominent role,” said Jack O'Connell, state superintendent of public instruction, hoping Maria would champion Arnold's education reforms. But with Arnold reneging on returning $2 billion from Prop. 98 funds back to education, he's alienated the state's public school teachers. Going after unions in Prop. 75 didn't help working folk poised to oppose his second term. It's difficult for Maria to support Arnold's GOP-sponsored agenda, including Prop. 73, requiring adolescents to notify parents before getting abortions. Arnold's handlers miscalculated the risks of pushing an unpopular, right wing agenda. If Arnold enjoyed strong approval ratings, it would have been easier to sell voters, now skeptical about his prospects for a second term.

      When President George W. Bush came to town to raise funds and dedicate a new wing to the Reagan Library, Arnold was missing in action. He publicly expressed dismay about the president competing for GOP dollars while he toughed out a brutal political campaign. It didn't look too good for a Republican governor to snub an incumbent president, no matter how unpopular. For the once popular governor riding a 70% approval rating and considered a rising star in the GOP, it signaled perhaps the demise of a short-lived political career. Maria's absence says less about her Democratic values than Arnold's doubtful political future. Instead of following her lead, Arnold allowed his office hijacked by conservatives, fantasizing about a GOP comeback in Golden state. Had he listened to Maria and adopted a bipartisan approach, the $55 million special election would not have been unnecessary.

      Special elections aren't supposed to replace a working relationship between a Democratic legislature and Republican governor. Arnold was elected by crossover Democrats and independents disgusted by Gray Davis' obsession with fund-raising at the expense of leadership. When Davis allowed out-of-state power companies to hijack the state, voters looked to new leadership. Arnold promised to rescue the state from failed leadership. “I came here with absolutely nothing and now I have absolutely everything. You have given me the greatest gift of all—your trust. I will do everything I can to live up to that trust. I will not disappoint you. I will not let you down,” said Arnold, declaring victory to cheering supporters on election night. Since taking office Nov. 17, 2003, Arnold has done nothing but disappoint—teachers, nurses, government employees, union workers, etc.

      Arnold's special election was his way of bowing out of politics. When you see him selling his heart out, it's a crying shame he squandered the goodwill given to him by hopeful voters with high expectations. When Arnold talks about momentum, he's talking about the kind that leads to early retirement. “I want to thank her for the love and the strength she has given me. And I know how many votes I got because of you,” Arnold told Maria on election night Nov. 10, 2003. Two years later, he can't resuscitate that precious commodity known as public trust. Allowing the GOP and corporate special interests to hijack his governorship turned off crossover Democrats and independents that put him in office. With Maria out of the picture, it's a good bet she read the tea leaves and saw what's coming. When Arnold tries to figure out what went wrong, he needs to look at himself.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.


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