by John M. Curtis
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Copyright November 1, 2001
All Rights Reserved.

ollateral damage and civilian casualties go with the territory, but it’s up to the Pentagon to make its best case. Manufacturing more smoke than any battlefield, Qatar’s Al Jazeera TV proved that it’s king of the propaganda hill, saturating Arab airwaves with grotesque images of civilian casualties. Ignoring videotapes of surgical airstrikes, Al Jazeera prefers images of screaming babies, sobbing women and decimated mud huts. Not only does this incite Islamic viewers, it demoralizes the home front by inducing doubt and undermining domestic support. Highlighting a few stray bombs scores more points in the press than an antiseptic air campaign. “No nation in human history has done more to avoid civilian casualties than the United States has done in this conflict,” said Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld, responding to Al Jazeera, but not convincing the Arab world. While countering Al Jazeera, the Pentagon hasn’t done enough to sell the war, beyond pointing to the carnage of Sept 11. Air-dropping food and blankets also won’t neutralize toxic propaganda, now infecting the U.S. press and public opinion.

       Collateral damage and civilian casualties have always been part of any successful military campaign. When Roosevelt carpet-bombed Dresden in 1942, German resolve slowly softened. More collateral damage occurred at Hiroshima and Nagasaki than any place in world history. But the message was clear: Surrender or face total annihilation. Bombing only military targets doesn’t apply enough pressure on civilians to influence renegade regimes. Clearly, the Taliban has no regard whatsoever for protecting its civilian population. But today’s press—with its emphasis on human rights—can’t reconcile battlefield realities with a clear moral imperative. When suicide bombers struck the World Trade Center and Pentagon on Sept. 11, Bin Laden declared war on the United States. Speaking to a joint session of Congress on Sept. 20, President Bush returned the favor. Since the bombing began on Oct. 7, the press consumed itself with civilian casualties and collateral damage. Only four weeks into the campaign, the media has grown impatient.

       Losing sight of the big picture, the press has already forgotten Sept. 11. Errant smart bombs have nothing to do with Bin Laden’s declaration of war. Whether bombs accidentally hit Red Cross shelters or religious shrines, the United States has every right to respond to acts of war, including hitting civilian targets. When Bin Laden’s henchmen hit New York and Washington, President Bush correctly recognized the implacable threat to America’s way of life. Refusing to negotiate, the White House rejected the idea that misguided foreign policy brought about the calamity. Nor did Bush deal with thugs and criminals. No excuses, no justification, no rationale—and no hand wringing. By focusing so much attention on collateral damage, the press subverts the U.S. moral imperative for prosecuting the war. Military strategists can’t run from targets, especially when the enemy uses civilians as human shields. Now that the Taliban takes cover in civilian areas—including mosques—the U.S. must pursue targets with impunity. All the talk about Ramadan or hitting civilians can’t detract from completing military objectives.

       No one at the Pentagon expected the Taliban to roll over easily. Yet, the press already points to military failures, including the Northern Alliance’s aborted attempt to take Mazar-i-Sharif. Northern Alliance admits that its troops just weren’t ready to advance against superior Taliban forces. Even the Taliban’s recent execution of popular dissident Abdul Haq was viewed as an irreversible setback. So, with Al Jezeera broadcasting unremitting negative images and the U.S. press taking the bait, the Pentagon must respond more forcefully to the propaganda battle. Taking off his gloves, “When the Taliban issue accusations of civilian casualties, they indict themselves,” said Rumsfeld, countering the growing chorus about collateral damage. While Rumsfeld’s doing his job, he’s not the best salesman. Prone toward scolding, his button-downed image isn’t slick enough to counter the Taliban’s clever public relations. Though the Pentagon won’t win the propaganda war in the Islamic world, they can’t afford to lose the battle at home. Now on the defensive, the Pentagon must sell its war with more conviction.

       Winning the domestic propaganda battle involves skillfully countering the presses’ objections. When the press brings up collateral damage, the Pentagon can’t get huffy or intolerant. It’s up to the Pentagon to enthusiastically repeat key talking points, including, if need be, reminding the press why the U.S. went to war. Confronted with criticism, it’s easy to forget powerful arguments for prosecuting the war. Pentagon officials can’t automatically assume that the public or press is on the same page. More important than the message, the messenger must be willing to engage the press in strenuous discussion, even where it seems unnecessary. If some Pentagon officials aren’t up to the task, then others need to step forward. Good press people usually respond to process, not just content. Reporters need to be heard—and respected—just as much as they need their questions answered. It’s the presses’ job to ask questions. Recall the superb way then Defense Secretary Dick Cheney handled the press during the Gulf War. It’s the Pentagon’s job to successfully explain the war, not to look annoyed and defensive.

       Selling the war, it’s still necessary for the Pentagon to put its best foot forward. Buried in criticism, the Pentagon must confront the litany of objections raised in the press. Whether it’s about slow progress or collateral damage, the press has the right to ask questions. Pentagon spokespersons must continuously remind the press why the war deserves unequivocal backing. It’s not enough to recite patriotic clichés when better talking points can allay doubts and suspicions. Collateral damage and civilian casualties should be explained as unwanted but natural consequences of going to war. Exaggerated accounts of inadvertent civilian casualties must be put in perspective. As with prior wars, collateral damage is the price paid by tyrants showing little regard for human life. Causing 5,000 civilian deaths in New York and Washington, Bin Laden and the Taliban lost their right to whine about collateral damage. Confronting propaganda, the White House needs to do better fighting Al Jazeera, by constantly reminding the press why this war must be won. Like it or not, the Pentagon still has to make its case.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for the Los Angeles Daily Journal. He’s director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in political consulting and strategic public relations. He’s the author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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