by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright October 29, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

eturning to Soviet-style public relations, Russian President Vladimir V. Putin praised his government's rescue operation, despite killing 116 hostages after pumping an unknown gas into the ventilation system of a Moscow theater seized Oct. 23 by Chechen rebels. Calling the terrorists "dangerous, inhuman and cruel," Putin found a silver lining to the bungled operation. "The lives of hundreds and hundreds of people have been saved," said Putin, convincing the press that things could have been worse. "We have proven that it is impossible to bring Russia to its knees," showing that Putin has little patience for terrorists, especially Chechens. Posing the corpse of mastermind terrorist Movsar Barayev with a bottle of cognac and his female comrades with needle marks and syringes, the Russian Information Ministry created a golden photo op, sending powerful images over Russia's state-owned TV.

      Since taking office in May 2000, Putin dismantled the fledgling free press, driving Russia's only independent TV network—Vladimir I. Guzinky's NTV—out of business. Seizing control of the media was Putin's first official act, consolidating power and recording his own version of events. Like the nuclear-powered submarine disaster, Russian citizens must go to the Internet or shortwave radios to get the real story. For nearly two weeks after the Kursk hit the bottom in the Barents Sea, Russians prayed for a miraculous rescue. Putin knew from the get-go there were no survivors, yet pretended, after finishing his summer vacation in Kiev, to engage in a serious rescue operation. When reports first surfaced on Oct. 23 that Chechen rebels took 700 hostages in a Moscow theater, the government circulated rumors about imminent bomb threats and mass executions. Official press reports even revealed two public executions, though surviving hostages disputed the claim.

      Official press reports indicated Chechen rebels inside the theater were smoking, drinking and using drugs. Yet eyewitnesses disputed the account. "They didn't drink, didn't smoke, didn't swear," said ex-hostage Mark Podiesny, taking exception to official accounts. When the rescue operation began on Oct. 26, no mention was made of using "sleeping" gas or chemical agents. At the end of siege, interior minister Vladimir Vasilyev insisted that only 10 hostages lost their lives, failing to mention 116 succumbed to deadly gas. No mention was made over the fact that female rebels were shot execution style while still asleep. Even Russian Orthodox Patriarch Alexi II announced he was pleased that the rescue operation ended without "bloodshed." Rather than displaying rows of corpses, state-owned Russian TV showed Putin clad in a white jacket greeting survivors in a local hospital.

      Once the hostage crisis ended, doctors weren't given the chemical composition of the gas to formulate effective antidotes and treatments. Only after German doctors drew hostages' blood did they find fentanyl, a powerful synthetic opiate used in anesthesia and pain relief. Unconfirmed reports suggest that at least 50 other hostages remain comatose and possibly brain dead from gas exposure. While Putin says he saved lives, family members of deceased victims had little to cheer about. "You wouldn't believe the absurdity of it," said Sergi Karpov, father of a recognized opera writer who died of gas poisoning. Claiming his son's body at the morgue, he received a death certificate stating the cause of death: "Murder." Also noted was the diagnosis: "Victim of banditry and terrorism." "What kind of medical document is that," asked Karpov, incredulous about the real cause of his son's death—gas poisoning by Russian authorities.

      U.S. authorities now report that several hostages were treated with Narcan, a powerful drug used to reverse opiate overdoses, confirming suspicions that fentanyl was the drug used by Russian authorities. Two years ago, fentanyl was recommended to the U.S. military by Penn State researchers as a chemical crowd control agent—though no action was taken. Had Russian authorities leveled with hospitals and doctors about chemical nature of the gas, Narcan might have saved numerous lives. Putin's use of fentanyl clearly shows Russia's availability and willingness to use chemical weapons. Though banned by international treaties, chemical weapons, like tear gas, are routinely used by law enforcement for crowd dispersal. With so many casualties, it's legitimate to ask whether gas poisoning was the best approach. Interviews with hostages still can't confirm Russian claims that Chechen rebels inside the theater were threatening mass destruction or executions.

      Faced with the growing roadblock in the U.N. on Iraq, Bush restrained himself from criticizing Putin. "The president feels very strongly that responsibility for this rests with the terrorists who took these people hostage and put them in harms way in the first place," said White House press secretary Ari Fleischer, unwilling to comment about the pernicious propaganda disseminated by the Russian government. Beyond the immediate crisis, U.S. officials should heed the inescapable fact that the Russian bear hasn't changed its fur since the end of the Cold War. Using fentanyl threw the Pentagon for a loop, realizing that Russian scientists have been busy at work. With Putin controlling the airwaves, few Russians know that 80,000 troops remain in Chechnya. Before encouraging Russia to join NATO, the U.S. must insist that a real, thriving free press is a necessary first step. Before using poisoned gas, Putin should have consulted Western SWAT teams for other options—resorting to disinformation raises too many red flags.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's a consultant and expert in strategic communication. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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