Belafonte Pulls Race Card

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright October 27, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

redging up images of Malcom-X, 75-year-old Jamaican-born calypso great Harry Belafonte went over the deep end comparing Secretary of State Colin L. Powell and National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice to "house slaves" in the Bush White House. Malcom-X, godfather to the black power movement of the 1960s, used "slave" metaphors to characterize obedient civil rights leaders, unwilling to fight the establishment. Seeing black Baptist preachers—like Martin Luther King—as conformist, Malcom-X, renounced Christianity, joined Elijah Muhammed's Nation of Islam, created a new black identity and gave rise to militancy in the civil rights movement. Though conformist himself, Belafonte blasted Powell for acting servile, "permitted to come into the house of the master." Belafonte's crass remarks, aired during an Oct.8 interview, even took San Diego KFMB-AM host Ted Leitner by surprise. "People have become so politically correct," said Leitner, refreshed by Belafonte's unusually blunt comments but failing to question Belafonte's peculiar logic.

      Belafonte's "slave" references stem from published reports about Powell's differences with the White House over Iraq, especially unilateral action to de-fang Saddam Hussein. Going overboard, Belafonte attributed Powell's apparent acquiescence to race relations, rather than more benign explanations. "When Colin Powell dares to suggest something other than what the master wants to hear, he will be turned back out to pasture," said Belafonte, convinced that Powell rubber-stamps Bush's views. "I'd like to see both [Powell] and Condoleezza Rice show some moral backbone, show some courage, show some commitment to principles that are higher than those being espoused by their boss," remarked Belafonte, projecting his own views onto Powell and Rice. To Belafonte, all blacks must hold his views, unwilling to accept independent thinking within his own community. Getting it all wrong, Belafonte can't see that race has nothing to do with Powell's conformity, or lack of it.

      More outspoken than anyone in Bush's Cabinet, Powell frequently finds himself the odd man out, especially about Iraq policy. Urging diplomacy, Powell's been a lone voice counseling restraint, fueling speculation about his early retirement when Bush completes his first term. "I'm serving my nation, my president, our president. I'm very happy to do so," said Powell, rejecting Belafonte's charge that Powell rubber-stamps Bush's views. Working in corporate settings, obedience and conformity is expected at all levels—not based on race but on team play. If Powell and Rice's politics were so incompatible, they wouldn't have been picked for Bush's Cabinet. "Everybody should be able to debate views, but I don't need Harry Belafonte to tell me what it means to be black," said Rice, offended by the singer's implication that she's serving as a "token." Trained at Stanford's Hoover Institution under Reagan's former Secretary of State George P. Shultz, Rice holds her own conservative credentials.

       All corporate structures—whether plantations or Mickey Mouse Clubs—demand conformity to prevailing wisdom and philosophy. Stretching "slave" metaphors to the breaking point, Belafonte either plays politics or shows evidence of growing disability. Suggesting that all black officials must accept his views, he can't stomach independent thinking within his community. Blacks that aren't "pro-civil rights, pro-Democratic, pro-liberalism" are called names like "Uncle Tom, Aunt Jemima, or house slaves, instead of dealing with the legitimate political differences someone may have," said political analyst Earl Ofari Hutchinson, commenting on the pressures for conformity. Calling his remarks "unfortunate," Powell rejected Belafonte's "slave" references as irrelevant. Putting the controversy in perspective, Powell minimized Belafonte's diatribe, especially in the context of Iraq policy. When it comes to military intervention, there's always a wide range of sentiments.

      Seeking the spotlight before a pivotal election, Belafonte diverted attention away from legitimate national security issues. Powell's cautious voice counterbalances more hawkish elements within the administration. No one faults Powell for taking unpopular views, despite Belafonte's suggestion that Powell worries about being put out to pasture. All Cabinets—or boards of directors—rubber-stamp the views of senior officials, trying to implement policy consistent with senior management. Using the race card, Belafonte reminds the black community that their needs aren't served by the Republican right wing. But national security issues—especially whether Saddam Hussein is allowed to build nuclear bombs—don't take political sides. Regardless of politics, the fact remains that Bush picked three prominent and well-qualified African Americans to serve on his Cabinet. No accusation of "tokenism" can ignore Bush's choice, whether or not they meet the approval of Harry Belafonte.

      Pulling the race card, Harry Belafonte should be ashamed of making "slave" references to Secretary of State Colin L. Powell and National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice. Both Powell and Rice perform their jobs with integrity and distinction, regardless of whether their politics match Belafonte's views. "As a citizen, I feel it is my sacred duty to speak out when I see injustice, when I see our country going to places of folly," Belafonte told the Associated Press, totally ignoring his inappropriate remarks calling Powell and Rice "house slaves" in the White House. No one begrudges Belafonte his opinions about national security, but accusing the administration of "tokenism" crosses the line. All Cabinets reflect the politics of senior officials—whether Democrat or Republican. If Powell or Rice's views match those of senior officials, it's not because they've been whipped into conformity. Belafonte's careless remarks say a lot about him but nothing about the Bush Cabinet.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's a consultant and expert in strategic communication. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.


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