by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright October 25, 2005
All Rights Reserved.

etting to the bottom of who outed covert CIA operative Valerie Plame hasn't been easy for Special Counsel U.S. Atty. Patrick J. Fitzgerald, trying to sift through conflicting testimony of reporters and government officials. Recent attention has focused on White House Deputy Chief of Staff Karl Rove and Vice President Dick Cheney's Chief of Staff I. Lewis “Scooter” Libby, now facing possible indictments for perjury, obstruction of justice and lying to federal prosecutors. It was only common sense for Fitzgerald to consider the distinct possibility that Libby's boss, Vice President Dick Cheney, may have authorized him to go after former Iraq envoy Joseph C. Wilson IV, the husband of CIA agent Valerie Plame, for his scathing indictment July 6, 2003 in the New York Time accusing the White House of manipulating intelligence to make its case for the Iraq war.

      So far, the White House, including Libby, insisted they learned of Plame's identity from the press, something now refuted by testimony and recently discovered documents. New revelations contained in Libby's notes now indicate that he first heard of Plame's identity from discussions with Cheney June 12, 2003, three weeks before Wilson's op-ed appeared in NY Times and over a month before syndicated columnist Robert Novak outed Plame in his July 14, 2003 column. “I think you're prejudging things and speculating about things,” said White House press secretary Scott McClellan, responding to questions about the latest bombshell. Libby has already been on record claiming that he heard about Plame's identity from journalists, revealing he was covering for his boss. Libby's notes raise the stakes, implicating the vice president in a deliberate plot to expose Wilson's wife.

      On the same day Libby met with Cheney, the Washington Post ran a front-page story about an unnamed former diplomat going to Niger at the request of the CIA to investigate claims made in Bush's 2003 State of the Union message that Saddam tried to buy “yellocake” uranium. Wilson's July 6 commentary refuted that claim, accusing the White House of twisting intelligence to make its case for war. Libby's June 12, 2003 notes indicate Cheney learned Plame's identity from then CIA Director George J. Tenet. According to an anonymous source, Libby's notes also contain no reference that Libby and Cheney knew nothing about Plame's undercover status with the CIA, refuting the idea they were oblivious to her covert work. Fitzgerald must decide before Friday to indict officials for leaking Plame's identity—a possible federal crime—and trying to obstruct a federal investigation.

      With Fitzgerald's Oct. 28 deadline for disbanding the grand jury rapidly approaching, he may have to ask for an extension, especially to give Cheney more time. It's obvious that Libby and Rove gave Fitzgerald misleading testimony, triggering grand jury indictments. Seen as the primary architect of the Iraq War and viewed puppeteer behind the White House, it's inconceivable that Libby acted independently without Cheney's knowledge. Outing Plame's identity goes to the very heart of the administration's justification for war, including relentless reporting by New York Times' veteran reporter Judith Miller about Saddam's weapons of mass destruction. Since Miller was sprung from jail for failing to reveal Libby as her source, she's now admitted that Libby spoke to her about Plame and her husband three times before Novak published his column July 14, 2003.

      Cheney was questioned under oath by Fitzgerald more than a year ago. It's unlikely Cheney admitted revealing Plame's identity to Libby or, for that matter, shared a plot to discredit Wilson after his unflattering remarks in the Times. While Cheney has been almost mum since Fitzgerald was appointed special counsel Dec. 20, 2003, he told NBC in Sept. 2003 that he didn't know Josesph Wilson IV or who sent him to investigate whether Saddam ever tried to buy “yellowcake” from Niger. If Fitzgerald really has Libby's June 12, 2003 notes indicating, at the very least, that Cheney revealed Plame's identity, then Cheney must be indicted along with Libby and Rove. Rove's involvement raises questions of whether Bush knew about an effort to discredit Wilson and out his CIA agent wife. Rove already assured Bush that he had nothing to do with leaking Plame's identity. Whether he helped orchestrate an effort to out Plame and discredit Wilson is another matter.

      Looking at the bigger picture, the chickens have come home to roost regarding the rationale for the Iraq War. Bush's sinking approval ratings now 38% mirror the public's disgust with 2,000 military deaths and an endless hemorrhage to the national treasury. Plamegate exposes the high stakes game of covering up the flimsy basis for going to war. Wilson's July 6, 2003 op-ed revealed the ugly truth that the White House, specifically Cheney and his friends at the Pentagon's Office of Special Plans, manipulated intelligence and exaggerated Saddam's alleged arsenal of deadly weapons. Instead of ignoring Wilson, Rove and Libby got too personally involved, making the ill-advised choice to retaliate. This grudge may cost them their jobs and bring down the White House. It remains to be seen whether Cheney's involvement leads an indictment or, worse yet, implicates the president.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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