by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright October 24, 2004
All Rights Reserved.

mbushing 50 U.S. trained Iraqi troops, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi struck again, this time massacring soldiers execution style—many of the corpses were found bound with gun shot wounds to the back of the heads. What's most disturbing is not the hideous brutality but the fact that these soldiers were intercepted by Zarqawi's guerrillas, strongly suggesting disloyalty and infiltration. U.S. officials currently place high hopes in Iraq's newly trained army and security forces, expecting a gradual phase out of U.S. troops. Zarqawi's latest bloodbath has disturbing implications to the U.S. mission, including finding an eventual exit strategy. Infiltration suggests that Zarqawi's rebels penetrated Iraqi security and now tip off insurgents about troop movements and locations. Yet infiltration alone doesn't account for how Iraqi soldiers seem more loyal insurgents than the new Baghdad regime.

      Good training and loyalty oaths don't rule out that a substantial percentage of Iraq's new army and security forces have divided allegiance, seeking to sabotage U.S. occupation. Perhaps as high as 50% of Iraq's new soldiers seek an end to U.S. occupation and to Iraq's new government. Iraqi soldiers were intercepted by rebels en route to Iran, 95 miles east of Baghdad, according to Interior Minister spokesman Adman Abdul-Rahman. All the newly trained forces were in plain clothes after completing training at the Kirkush military camp. Thirty-seven bodies were found face down on the ground, shot execution-style. Another 12 bodies were found incinerated in a minivan after getting hit by rocket-propelled grenades. Executing freshly minted Iraqi troops sends the same message as beheading civilians: Support Iraq's new government and prepare to die.

      Contrary to White House claims, Iraq's insurgency isn't confined to isolated pockets within the Sunni triangle—the power base of Saddam Hussein and his Baathist followers. There's growing evidence that the insurgency is widespread and well-financed by Saudi Arabia, Syria, Iran and a host of other Islamic regimes seeking to lash out at the United States. “After inspection, we found out that they were shot after being ordered to lay down on the earth,” said Gen. Walid al-Azzawi, commander of the Diyala provincial police, confirming that Zarqawi's rebels completed an inside job. Without getting tipped off, Zarqawi could not have known the whereabouts of plain-clothed soldiers. Soon after the massacre, Zarqawi's group claimed responsibility. “God enabled the Mujahedeen to kill” all the soldiers, said a statement posted an Al Qaeda Web site, communicating, in no uncertain terms, that Zarqawi means business.

      Beheading civilians and ambushing soldiers creates problems for the new Iraqi government. When CARE International—a British-based relief organization—director Margaret Hassan was abducted Oct. 19, it was a devastating blow to humanitarian relief efforts. When insurgents—probably Zarqawi—bombed U.N.'s Baghdad headquarters Aug. 19. 2003 killing its top envoy, 55-year-old Brazilian Sergio Vieira de Mello, Iraq was considered unsafe for reconstruction. Recent civilian abductions and beheadings haven't created the safe and hospitable environment needed to methodically begin Iraq's reconstruction. One hundred-and-thirty-eight thousand U.S. troops haven't been enough to secure the country against a growing insurgency, creating violence and chaos. Rebuilding Iraq can't take place only inside the heavily fortified “green zone,” which also has its share of violence.

      Rebuilding the Iraqi army and creating an effective security service is the only way the new Iraq can secure its future. With evidence of infiltration, it calls into question not only the future but ongoing attacks on U.S. troops. “There was probably collusion among the soldiers and other groups,” Diyala's deputy Gov. Agil Hamid al-Adili told Al-Arabiya television, raising the disturbing prospect of infiltration inside Iraq's new military. A deadly mortar attack Oct. 25 on the Iraqi National Guard compound near Baghdad also looks like an inside job. Insurgents knew the precise time soldiers gathered and opened fire. Divided loyalty, collusion and infiltration threaten the Pentagon's efforts to train and equip a credible Iraqi military and security force. Turning over more security control to Iraq's new army and police now threatens U.S. interests, including U.S. peacekeepers.

      Creating a “democratic” Iraq is contingent on the consent of the governed. Judging by recent attacks on U.S. troops and the new Iraqi army, it appears Iraq's security forces work against the U.S. mission. Even the mighty U.S. military can't change the hearts-and-minds of Iraqi recruits whose sympathies lie with insurgents fighting U.S. occupation. “He came to Iraq, as did his fellow Americans here, to help the Iraqis defeat terrorism and the insurgency, establish democracy, and rebuild their country,” said U.S. ambassador to Iraq John D. Negroponte,” eulogizing 41-year-old State Department diplomat Edward Seitz, felled by a mortar attack in Baghdad. Seitz was the highest-ranking U.S. official killed in Iraq. Sacrificing more Americans won't swear allegiance or create loyalty to a cause most Iraqis find abhorrent to their nationalistic instincts.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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