by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright October 1, 2001
All Rights Reserved.

eclaring war on terrorism, America must keep its focus, fight and win its own battles, and not get roped into regional conflicts. On Sept. 11, America’s way of life screeched to a halt. Witnessing horrific terrorist decimation of the World Trade Center and Pentagon, something changed. Americans were naked, vulnerable and stunned. No longer protected by the two great oceans, America was infiltrated by Islamic extremists, now delivering terror on U.S. soil. Taking a hesitant but certain step into an unknown future, America was again summoned to save liberty from a new menace. “Tonight, we are a country awakened to danger and called to defend freedom,” said President George W. Bush, speaking to a joint session of Congress Sept. 20 and trying to alert all citizens to a bold new threat. Not since Pearl Harbor had America been ambushed in its own backyard. But never before had any U.S. city—let alone America’s crown jewel—sustained such devastation. “We’ve never seen this kind of evil before,” said President Bush, recognizing that the first war of the 21st century had already begun.

       While circumstances change, evil takes on new looks—now embodied in the face of Osama bin Laden and his Al Qaeda terror organization. “From this day forward, any nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime,” said President Bush, placing Kabul on notice that they’re now on the enemy’s list. Sheltered and supported by the Taliban, Bin Laden operates with the blessings of its supreme leader Mullah Mohammed Omar. Recognized only by Pakistan, the Taliban is now hunkering down with Bin Laden in the mountains of Afghanistan. Planning military operations, Secretary of State Donald Rumsfeld urged the U.S. to use opposition groups—especially the Northern Alliance—in the war against Bin Laden. Since the Taliban seized power in 1996, opposition groups steadily lost ground, now controlling only 5% of the country. When the Soviets withdrew in 1989, the CIA pulled the plug, leading to a chaotic civil war eventually won by the Taliban.

       With aged equipment and paltry backing, the Northern Alliance—largely comprised of Tajik, Uzbek and other minorities—was driven by the Taliban into retreat, scrambling for defensive positions in the North. But with U.S. and British forces closing in on Osama bin Laden, the Northern Alliance smells blood and cash. Boasting a 15,000 man army and asking a mere $50 million per month, the United Front says it’s finally ready to take on the Taliban. Claiming the U.S. has no chance of getting rid of Bin Laden without the Northern Alliance, representatives now push for a joint military venture. “What we are saying is deploy [U.S.] Special Forces in coordination with our forces on the ground, make fast moves, secure certain spots and then expand our territory,” said Haron Amin, the glib 32-year-old spokesman for the Northern Alliance. While President Bush and Secretary of Sate Colin Powell downplayed the U.S. role in nation-building or, for that matter, toppling the Taliban, it’s clear that Amin has other ideas. Jumping on a good thing, Amin wants the U.S. to fund his insurgency and subsidize a new Afghanistan regime.

       It’s no accident that Nguyen Van Thieu, the U.S. backed leader of South Vietnam, recently went to his grave believing that the U.S. sold out the South before the fall of Saigon in 1975. Aside from humanitarian reasons—which may be compelling—the U.S. shouldn’t focus on whether Afghans like the Taliban. U.S. objectives in Afghanistan are clear: Seek and destroy Osama bin Laden and his Al Qaeda terror organization. With the Domino Theory no longer relevant, the U.S. has no overriding paradigm, like containing communism, operating in Afghanistan. Despite all the fury about the Taliban, America’s beef is with Osama Bin Laden, despite passionate pleas for help. It’s one thing to exploit local intelligence to eradicate Al Qaeda, it’s another to get mired in Afghan’s tribal politics. We may need the Northern Alliance to find Bin Laden’s lair, but we don’t need to reconfigure the region’s geopolitics. While fast talk would like to broaden the U.S. mission, the White House must remain focused on eliminating Bin Laden and Al Qaeda. Mindful of ulterior motives, the U.S. shouldn’t get sucked into someone else’s battles.

       Amin wants to turn back the clock 30 years, urging the return of decrepit 86-year-old exiled Afghan monarch Zahir Shah. With plans like that, it’s no wonder that the brutal Taliban regime controls 95% of the country. While not plotting to overthrow the Taliban, the U.S. must go through any barriers—including Kabul—to get to Bin Laden. Amin’s dead wrong when he says that the U.S’s greatest danger is not having a long-term political solution. America’s greatest danger is getting sidetracked by smooth talking diplomats trying to commit U.S. assets to extraneous causes. “The United Front [the Northern Alliance] does not wish to impose itself on the people of Afghanistan, to split our territory for the sake of imposing ourselves on Kabul again,” claimed Amin, demonstrating the same upside down reasoning leading to America’s protracted disaster in Vietnam. Overthrowing the Taliban and returning the aged king to his throne is precisely what Amin wants. Completing the U.S. mission requires a single-minded focus to avoid the quicksand of Afghan’s internal affairs.

       Sending mixed signals, the White House must resist efforts by persuasive Afghan factions to get involved with nation-building. The U.S. government “is not going to choose who runs Afghanistan,” said White House Press Secretary Ari Fleischer, but warned, the objective “is to eliminate those who harbor terrorists,” suggesting that the Taliban—or anyone else—will not stand in the U.S.’s way. While there’s nothing wrong with contingency plans, the U.S. should be cautious about crafting new governments with the Northern Alliance. After the U.S. completes its mission, there’s bigger fish to fry than bogging down in regional conflicts. Sure, with U.S. aid other factions might challenge the Taliban, but that’s straying off the path of combating global terrorism. While the Taliban pays lip service to sheltering Bin Laden, he doesn’t really fit into Mohammed Omar’s long-term plans. When pushed, survival dictates that Omar will put up only token resistance when U.S. and British forces finally storm Afghanistan. Unlike suicide bombers, Omar won’t allow Bin Laden to drag down the entire Taliban. Islam aside, martyrdom’s a better slogan than reality.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for the Los Angeles Daily Journal. He’s director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in political consulting and strategic public relations. He’s the author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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