by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright September 29, 2006
All Rights Reserved.

ess than six-weeks before midyear elections, President George W. Bush continues his relentless pre-election propaganda defending his anti-terror policy. Polls indicate that Bush's best selling point is his anti-terror message. Iraq represents his Achilles Heel, with more voters watching a growing disaster and expecting bad news. Tying Iraq to the broader war on terror helps make sense of an otherwise impending nightmare. Internecine warfare with Senate Republicans, especially Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.), produced a watered down anti-terror bill, preventing the White House and Pentagon from skirting the Geneva Convention. While Bush got most of what he wanted, the flap exposed his Party's rift with neo-conservatives who currently control the White House. Iraq's escalating military and civilian body count defies the White House and Pentagon's optimistic forecasts.

      Forced to declassify portions of a National Security Estimate, Bush found himself scrambling to explain the report's conclusion that the war in Iraq caused more terrorism, not, as the White House claimed, made the country safer. Critics “who make a case that, by fighting terrorists, we're making our people less secure here at home. This argument buys into the enemy's propaganda that the terrorists attack us because we're provoking them,” Bush told the Reserve Officer's Association, cleverly making it impossible to disagree. Common sense becomes a priceless commodity when White House propaganda makes different views an act of treason. What does enemy propaganda have to do with the fact that 140,000 U.S. troops in Iraq have become radical Islam's cause célèbre? Prior to toppling Saddam April 9, 2003, Iraq was not a magnet for holy war against the U.S.

      Bush must continue to convince voters that the war in Iraq is winnable. Mounting U.S. military deaths belies White House claims that Iraq's new government under Shiite Prime Minister Nouri Al Maliki creates the stability needed to avoid civil war. No one really believes that Iraq's Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds want a unified federalist government. All indications reveal ethnic strife and sectarian violence, exacerbated by foreign terrorists and armed militias, especially the Badr Brigades and radical Shiite cleric Moqtada Al Sadr's 10,000-plus Al Mahdi army. Armed by Iran and elsewhere, Al Sadr's death squads are responsible for thousands of Sunni civilian deaths, retaliation for attacks from foreign terrorists and Saddam loyalists. Fearing a crippling civil war, the Pentagon decided to ignore Al Sadr, allowing his death squads to roam freely, run amok and destabilize Iraq.

      Much of Iraq's police and military have divided loyalty, swearing allegiance to Al Sadr and other terrorist groups committed to expelling the U.S. Al Maliki, presumably a key U.S. ally, has close ties to Iran's bitterly anti-U.S. president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad—arguably the most menacing lunatic in the Middle East. Bush has great optimism about democratizing Iraq not because of facts-on-the-ground but because of the need to win in November. His Party's fate lies in perpetuating the myth that Iraq is “the central front in the war on terror.” In reality, Iraq is Bush's artificial front, using the U.S. military as bait for Islamic extremists hell-bent on fighting U.S. occupation. Accepting Bush's propaganda about Iraq's role in the war on terror has caused the most costly miscalculation in U.S. history. Instead of fighting terrorists responsible for Sept. 11, the U.S. finds itself bogged down in Iraq.

      Terrorism “is not our fault,” said Bush, paraphrasing beleaguered British Prime Tony Blair, forced into early retirement for rubber-stamping White House policies. “You do not create terrorism by fighting terrorism,” implying that occupying Iraq has nothing to do with the raging guerrilla war against U.S. forces. “It was yet another example of how he is in denial over what is happening in the war on terror,” said House Minority Leader Nanci Pelosi (D-Calif.), attacking Bush's policy but offering no alternative. Bush's opponents have yet to propose a coherent alternative fearing adverse reaction on Election Day. Democrats must offer a new strategy for fixing Iraq because most voters don't like the idea of cut-and-run. Pulling the plug won't happen on Bush's watch because it would admit catastrophic failure. Supporting the troops involves retooling U.S. strategy and getting them out of harm's way.

      Selling the public on the idea the war in Iraq keeps terrorists off American streets buys the White House more time. Eventually the public will catch on, causing a sea change in public opinion against Iraq and the war on terror. Democrats hope that revelation comes before the November election, causing voters to reject Republicans. Whether Bush's current propaganda campaign works is anyone's guess. His strategy is simple: Continue to link Iraq to the war on terror, bolstering the excuse for a failed policy. “If that ever becomes the mind-set of policymakers in Washington, it means we'll go back to the old days of waiting to be attacked,” said Bush, perpetuating the myth that occupying Iraq keeps terrorists off American streets. Bush knows the difference between the terrorists who attacked on Sept. 11 and those fighting to rid Iraq of U.S. occupation.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

©1999-2005 Discobolos Consulting Services, Inc.
(310) 204-8300
All Rights Reserved.