by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright September 22, 2004
All Rights Reserved.

hen Iraqi interim President Ayad Allawi gave renegade Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr amnesty, allowing his Al Mahdi militia to leave the holy city of Najaf with impunity, it rewarded lawlessness and terror. Letting al-Sadr escape sent the wrong signal to Jordanian-born terrorist Abu Musab Zarqawi, whose recent rampage of abductions and beheadings threatens the U.S. mission. Zarqawi's unspeakable brutality—posted on Islamic Websites and broadcast by Al Jazerra TV—promises to drive foreign civilians out of Iraq. While there's nothing new about beheadings in the Middle East, abductions, mutilations and public murder sow fear in foreigners and locals. If the U.S. has any chance of succeeding in Iraq, it must end the murder sprees of cold-blooded killers like al-Sadr and Zarqawi. No one should doubt the damage stemming from Allawi's amnesty.

    Walking a tightrope, the White House won't act decisively until after the election. Unwilling to risk a major escalation before November, terrorists like al-Sadr and Zarqawi have free reign to brutalize Iraq's fledgling government. Heads shouldn't roll only for Zarqawi's victims but also at the Pentagon and in Allawi's government for acting indecisively. U.S. soldiers have been endangered and killed protecting thugs like Muqtada al-Sadr. Terrorists like Zarqawi run amok precisely because there are no consequences for terrorists like al-Sadr. “You know that the Iraqi transitional government has asserted many times that it does not negotiate with terrorists,” said Iraq Justice Ministry spokesman Noori Abdul Raheem, totally ignoring his government's recent deal with al-Sadr, a homegrown fanatic whose militia is responsible for countless civilian and military deaths.

    After beheading Americans Eugene “Jack” Armstrong and Jack Hensley, Iraq's interim government hopes to spare the life of British hostage Kenneth Bigley, responding to Zarqawi's demand to release Iraqi women prisoners. Raheem acknowledged that his government was considering releasing Rahib Rashid Taha, an Iraqi scientist known as “Dr. Germ.” While Raheem denies that Taha's release is linked to Zarqawi's demands, it certainly looks suspicious. Too bad the Iraqi government couldn't have acted two days earlier, sparing the lives of Armstrong and Hensley. Bigley was seen Sept. 22 on video pleading for his life. “Please meet the demands and release my father . . . Only you can save him now,” said Craig Bigley, asking British Prime Minister Tony Blair to intercede. Can anyone doubt that Zarqawi means business and has everyone jumping through hoops?

    Months before presidential elections, the Pentagon pulled its punches, especially in the Shiite holy city of Najaf and Sunni stronghold of Fallujah. While the military continues to bomb safe houses in Fallujah, Zarqawi's followers control the streets, creating anarchy and chaos. Unwilling to risk more casualties before November, the military surrendered Fallujah, getting the red light from Allawi's government. Allawi plays both sides, placating Zarqawi, while simultaneously promising the U.S. military to get tough. With Zarqawi's beheadings all to common, the radical Jordanian's roving band of thugs finds support among locals, whose hatred of U.S. occupation exceeds its love of freedom and democracy. Allowing radicals like al-Sadr and Zarqawi to run wild prevents the U.S. from completing its mission. Allawi must learn from his past mistakes and stop playing both sides.

    Political calculations associated with presidential elections shouldn't tie the Pentagon's hands when it comes to protecting U.S. troops. There's no excuse for not marching on Fallujah and taking out Zarqawi or, for that matter, ending al-Sadr's bid to upend U.S. occupation—other than politics. Watching Zarqawi, or his surrogates, behead helpless bystanders should wake up White House—and the military—about the enemy. Either the Pentagon should be given the green light to do whatever it takes or recalculate the mission and find an exit strategy. Current casualty rates can't permit politics to dictate battlefield realities. Al-Sadr, Zarqawi and a host of other unnamed terrorists continue to bedevil U.S. efforts to assure security, leaving Iraq dangerously close to civil war. Listening to the White House and Allawi tout great success doesn't jibe with cold facts on the ground.

    Watching Zarqawi's barbaric behavior should be a rude awakening to the faint-of-heart, counseling restraint. U.S. troops have no business in Iraq unless the honchos are ready to purge the streets of terrorists like Zarqawi and al-Sadr. Giving Zarqawi a sanctuary in Fallujah and permitting al-Sadr to escape from Najaf endangers U.S. troops and perpetuates the bloodshed now seen on the streets. So far, Iraq's new government sits on the fence, uncertain whether to support U.S. troops or the terrorists seeking their destruction. There's no point sacrificing more American lives when Iraqi politicians have divided loyalty and can't make up their minds. Allawi must stop playing both sides and give the U.S. military—regardless of the political fallout—the green light to wipe out insurgents and foreign terrorists. Whoever wins in November must decide whether to complete the job or find a way out.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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