by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright September 17, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

hrowing the White House for a loop, Saddam Hussein performed his latest sleight-of-hand, offering to resume "unconditional" inspections, pulling the rug out from underneath President Bush's get-tough policy. Under relentless pressure, Saddam agreed to allow inspectors back on Iraqi soil, proving that Iraq no longer possesses weapons of mass destruction, something Bush needs to sell the U.N. to justify possible military action. "I believe the president's speech galvanized the international community," said U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, announcing Iraq's latest diplomatic smokescreen allowing Saddam to buy precious time before restarting inspections. Looking for a quick-fix, Annan hasn't yet accepted that only a "regime change" in Iraq will make the world a safer place. Returning inspectors does very little to contain Saddam's evil intentions, especially his obsession with developing weapons of mass destruction.

      Before Bush delivered his wake-up call to the U.N. on Sept 12, Annan gave his own lecture about "multilateralism," rebuking the U.S. for considering one-sided action, despite credible reports indicating Saddam may be only months away from a nuclear bomb. Since 9/11, Annan and other world leaders don't get that the U.S. can't rely on wishful assurances from the U.N., failing, so far, to contain terrorism or maniacs like Saddam Hussein. Proudly displaying a letter from Iraq's Foreign Minister Naji Sabri, Annan thinks that Iraq's promises of "inspections" satisfy U.S. demands. But, as Secretary of State Colin L. Powell points out, disarmament, not inspections, remains the bottom line. Annan's overly optimistic response—though well intentioned—endangers national security by undermining U.S. efforts to obtain a forceful Security Council resolution. Whether Annan falls for Saddam's traps or actually seeks to torpedo White House plans is anyone's guess. Either way, he sabotages U.S. efforts to neutralize the Iraqi tyrant.

      Powell remained skeptical of Iraq's latest promise, reminding the Security Council that Saddam has reneged on 16 prior resolutions and commitments since the end of the Gulf War. "We cannot just take a one-and-a-quarter-page letter as the end of this matter. We have seen this game before," said Powell, placing little stock in Iraq's latest communiqué. Saddam's recent subterfuge short circuits unanimity in the 15-member Security Council, with Russian Foreign Minister Igor S. Ivanov now opposing a new Security Council resolution calling for strict conditions and possible use of force. "Whether we can trust this letter or not, I think that only facts alone can corroborate this," said Ivanov, accepting Iraq at face value and discouraging U.S. attempts to get tough. "We need to bring about the speedy return of inspectors to Iraq," as if that equates with actual disarmament. Even chief U.N. arms inspector Hans Blix acknowledged that Iraq has plenty of time to manipulate inspections, believing it would take months—if not years—to find Saddam's caches of weapons or precursors now cleverly camouflaged.

      Going to the U.N. was a high-stakes crapshoot for Bush, hoping to galvanize international support for his "regime change" policy. Saddam's offer places international pressure on Bush to accept renewed inspections before launching a new military campaign. While Annan quickly touted Iraq's gesture, the White House was busy reading between the lines. "I am pleased to inform you of the decision of the Government of the Republic of Iraq to allow the return of United Nations weapons inspectors to Iraq without conditions," read Iraq's letter, giving the illusion of unfettered access to suspected weapons' sites. Surely Annan and Blix recall that Saddam didn't permit inspections at his 400 "presidential palaces" and countless other sacred shrines—including mosques—considered off limits to U.N. weapons inspectors. "Unconditional" remains subject to interpretation: "To this end, the Government of the Republic of Iraq is ready to discuss the practical arrangements necessary for the immediate resumption of inspections," read Iraq's letter, hinting that Saddam wants inspections linked to lifting sanctions.

      Testifying before the House Armed Services Committee, Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld urged Congress to authorize military force against Iraq. Rumsfeld expressed grave doubts about Saddam's latest offer. With Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle (D-S.D.) coming aboard, it looks like the White House will get the support—and vote—before the November elections. Congressional approval sets up an unexpected collision with the U.N., currently leaning away from a strongly worded resolution. "You need the support of the other countries. You just cannot do things alone . . ." said French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin, warning the U.S. against unilateral action. With France Iraq's number one oil importer and with the Eiffel Tower still standing tall, it's easy for de Villepin to cut Saddam some slack. Commemorating Sept. 11, the White House doesn't have the same luxury of giving Saddam extra time to complete his A-bomb.

      Few world leaders take seriously Iraq's latest ploy. Cleverly worded press releases shouldn't mislead the U.N. from recognizing that Saddam Hussein remains a dangerous menace that must be taken off the world stage. "This is a tactical step by Iraq in hopes of avoiding strong U.N. Security Council action," said White House spokesman Scott McClellan, urging the caution over Saddam's rhetoric. No inspections can stop Saddam's obsession with weapons of mass destruction, nor stop his support for terrorists seeking to lash out at the United States. Since Sept 11, U.S. national security simply can't accept empty assurances about disarmament or fantasies about Saddam's benevolent intentions. Whatever it's worth, Khidr Abd Al-Abbas Hamzah, Saddam's former bomb-maker and head of Iraq's nuclear program, claims Iraq is dangerously close to completing a Hiroshima-sized A-bomb—perhaps only a matter of months. With so much at stake, the Security Council must set aside self-interests and allow the U.S. to make the world a safer place.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's a consultant and expert in strategic communication. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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