U.N. On Notice

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright September 12, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

utting the United Nations on notice, President George W. Bush told the 190-nation body that U.N. resolutions and sanctions haven't deterred Saddam Hussein from developing weapons of mass destruction. Though vehemently denied by Iraq, the U.N. estimates that since the end of the Gulf War, Saddam has made over 22,000 gallons of anthrax, 100,000 gallons of botulinum toxin, hundreds of tons of mustard, tabun, and sarin gas, 500 metric tons of VX nerve gas, and untold quantities of smallpox, not to mention feverishly pursuing an A-bomb. "He [Bush] chooses to deceive the world and his own people with the longest series of fabrications that have ever been told by a leader of a nation," said Iraqi U.N. Ambassador Mohamed al-Douri, rejecting Bush's assertion that Iraq poses a clear and present danger. Though Secretary-General Kofi Annan insists that only the U.N. can authorize force in cases other than clear self-defense, the rules of engagement—especially the doctrine of preemption—have changed since Sept. 11.

      No reassurance from the U.N. can charm Saddam Hussein into disarmament. Eleven years after the Gulf War, he continues to violate every Gulf War and Security Council resolution mandating unconditional inspections and disarmament. Calling Saddam's behavior a "decade of defiance," Bush reminded the Security Council that the U.S. can't ignore Iraq's provocations without eventually taking action. Seeking a new Security Council resolution, Bush hopes to give Saddam one more ultimatum before initiating his policy of "regime change." Suspected of harboring Al Qaeda fugitives, Iraq has already provoked the U.S. into unilateral action. Getting U.N. approval placates regional players who currently regard the U.S. as a bully. "We cannot stand by and do nothing while dangers gather," Bush told members of the U.N. General Assembly, making it clear that the U.S. sees Saddam Hussein as an unavoidable threat to national security.

      Reacting defiantly, Baghdad dismissed Bush's speech as political rhetoric designed to bolster domestic support. Iraq's U.N. representative al-Douri criticized Bush's speech for failing to "find any evidence that Iraq possesses or develops weapons of mass destruction," continuing the same propaganda that currently infects liberal circles inside the United States and abroad. Those same voices demand incontrovertible proof that Iraq poses a direct and provocative threat to U.S. national security. Anecdotal reports, satellite reconnaissance and ongoing intelligence indicate that Iraq possesses a dangerous arsenal replete with biological, chemical and nuclear material. When Iraq tried to assassinate former President George H.W. Bush on a visit to Kuwait in 1993, it was clear that Saddam sought to settle an old score. Despite Iraqi denials, U.S. and foreign intelligence indicates that Saddam has pursued weapons programs since booting out U.N. inspectors in 1998. It's not necessary to photograph or weigh the quantities of deadly chemical, biological and nuclear components to infer Iraqi motives.

      Bush's Sept. 12 speech to the U.N. General Assembly was not intended to present the U.S. case against Saddam Hussein. It reminded the Security Council that unenforceable U.N. resolutions and sanctions force the U.S. to take unilateral action. Without U.S. involvement, the U.N. doesn't have the teeth to keep outlaws like Saddam and Bin Laden in check. "The Security Council resolutions will be enforced—the just demands of peace and security will be met—or action will be taken," Bush told delegates, reminding the U.N. that the U.S. can no longer afford to allow Saddam's regime to go unchecked. Bush expects Saddam to stop supporting terrorism, dismantle arsenals, desist in persecuting his own people, discontinue illegal trade and account for missing foreign nationals and U.S. citizens currently unaccounted for following the Gulf War. Skeptics—at home and abroad—haven't yet gotten the connection between the war on terrorism and going to Iraq.

      Multilateralism embodied in the United Nations can't hamstring the U.S. from taking necessary steps to defend its national security. No sovereign nation can sit on its hands while another country plots its destruction. Decimating the Twin Towers and Pentagon, terrorists declared war on the U.S., forcing the White House to take a sweeping inventory of its national security apparatus—and policies. While "coalition" forces helped the U.S. liberate Kuwait during the Gulf War, the U.S. did the heavy lifting. Before the U.N. condemns the U.S. for holding Iraq to its word, they should recall the horrific losses caused by Islamic extremists on Sept. 11. Most of the Islamic world—including the daughter of the late Egyptian president Anwar Sadat—believe that either Israel or the U.S. caused the rampage on 9/11, not Saudi renegade Osama bin Laden. "I urge Iraq to comply with its obligations for the sake of its own people and for the sake of world order," said Annan, finally admonishing Iraq nearly four years after U.N. weapons' inspectors were rudely ejected.

      President Bush reminded the U.N. that it must meet its responsibility or face a damaging loss of credibility—and eventual irrelevancy. While Secretary-General Annan talks tough, it's only after Bush put his cards on the table. No world body commanding international respect gets authority unless it's prepared to confront outlaws threatening world peace. Appeasement invites more suffering, instability and chaos, ignoring the inevitable that evil must be confronted with courage and resolve. Unlike other dynasties, America has no imperialistic ambitions beyond defending its national security. As the war on terror shifts gears, the world must come to grips with the implacable challenge of confronting evil, liberating the oppressed and guaranteeing certain universal rights. Disarming dangerous tyrants involve more than dismantling weapons of mass destruction: It involves recognizing that lunatics like Saddam Hussein have no place running governments or exploiting the world stage. Renewing inspections de-fangs the beast but doesn't deal with the inescapable reality that Saddam must go.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in the news. He's a consultant and expert in strategic communication. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.


Home || Articles || Books || The Teflon Report || Reactions || About Discobolos

This site designed, developed and hosted by the experts at

©1999-2002 Discobolos Consulting Services, Inc.
(310) 204-8300
All Rights Reserved.