by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright September 11, 2003
All Rights Reserved.

iting irreconcilable differences, newly minted Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas called it quits, pointing fingers at all sides, including Arafat, militants and, naturally, Israel. Though favored by the U.S. and Israel, Abbas couldn't stop feuding with Arafat and get support of the Palestinian street, whose loyalty still lies with Arafat and radical groups. Fearing repercussions, Arafat named 65-year-old Ahmed Korei, speaker of the Palestinian Parliament and architect of the 1993 Oslo Accords, switching parts but not changing gears. Since Israel's statehood in 1948, Arafat has been a sworn enemy of the Jewish state, seeking Israel's destruction by whatever means. No peace agreement or diplomatic window dressing can change Arafat's lifelong commitment to terror. Israel and the U.S. finally recognize that there can be no peace without getting rid of Arafat.

      Like Abbas, Korei also serves at the pleasure of Arafat, hamstrung from breaking the 55-year-old mold of violence and terror, masked by the happy face and sweet talk of diplomacy. Nodding and winking, Arafat continues to pay lip service to terrorism, giving his blessing to militant groups locked in bloody guerrilla warfare and deadly suicide bombing. Speaking of Korei, “If that person does not make a solid commitment to follow the road map, go after terrorism and stop these terrorist attacks, then it's not clear that we'll be able to move forward,” said Sec. of State Colin A. Powell, warning Arafat that the White House is dangerously close to pulling the plug on the peace process. Powell must stop dreaming about “solid commitments” from Arafat, who the White House correctly spurned as a real peace partner. Breaking the mold, Bush was the first president since Lyndon B. Johnson to finally reject Arafat.

      No matter how confined or crippled, progress toward a comprehensive peace cannot happen with Arafat pulling the strings. Israel now recognizes that Arafat “is a complete obstacle” to peace, calling for his expulsion or liquidation. Hawks, like former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, have called for Arafat's ouster since the Sept. 2000 “intifada,” or Palestinian uprising. “No one can kick me out,” said a defiant Arafat in his besieged Ramallah compound, prompting street demonstrations and threatening violence should Israel expel the ailing 75-year-old founder of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Mahmoud Abbas failed because Arafat refused to rein in militants, giving suicide bombers the green light to attack Israel. Arafat likes to blame Israel for paralyzing his police force, responsible under the Oslo protocol for dismantling terrorist groups.

      Since the latest suicide bombings, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has pulled out all stops, going after Hamas' senior leadership, including its quadriplegic founder and spiritual leader Sheik Ahmed Yassin. To Sharon, Arafat operates as the public face to militant groups hell-bent on Israel's destruction. For years, he's played good-cop/bad-cop, pretending to act as a buffer to radical groups. Though the U.S. and Europe played along, Israeli authorities always knew Arafat orchestrated the violence. From Jimmy's Carter's 1979 Camp David Accords to Bill Clinton's 1993 Oslo Protocol, to Arafat's refusal to sign on to Clinton's final gasp at peace-making in 2000, Arafat played the spoiler. “Our view on Mr. Arafat hasn't changed,” said State Department spokesman Richard Boucher, seeing Arafat as a stumbling block, yet worried that his expulsion would exacerbate the problem.

      U.S. authorities won't publicly give Israel the go-ahead to dispose of Arafat. But they also know that the “road map” to peace can't succeed without Arafat out of the picture. Abbas' power struggle reflected the chokehold that Arafat still has on the Palestinian Authority. Rank-and-file Palestinians, and even the intelligentsia, have been brainwashed and intimidated for so long, they can't see how Arafat plundered the Palestinian cause for his own gain, much like Saddam Hussein. U.S. officials must see the parallel and let Israel make official what is already the U.S. policy. Like most dictators, change can't occur until the charismatic leader gets out of the way. “This foolish action will bring tragedy upon Israelis. I warn against such foolish action,” said Jibril Rajoub, Palestinian security advisor and Arafat loyalist, concerned that Israelis might go ahead with Arafat's expulsion.

      Rejecting Arafat and insisting on new Palestinian leadership, the White House has already turned a new page on the “road map” to a real peace. For the first time in history, an American president refused to deal with an “elected” leader considered a dangerous terrorist. Since Sept. 11, Bush won't accept anyone supporting terror as a means of achieving political objectives. “Our position is well known, longstanding and unchanged,” said an unnamed U.S. official, repeating an old policy about Arafat, but not catching up with new realities in the peace process. Appointing a new prime minister won't change anything unless the old dictator loses his grip on the Palestinian Authority. U.S. officials must break new ground and let Israel clear the “road map” for peace. As long as Arafat remains in the picture, progress cannot be made. Giving peace a chance involves more than the status quo.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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