Ukraine Threatens All Out War with Russia

by John M. Curtis
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Copyright September 1, 2014
All Rights Reserved.
                                    

              Ukraine’s newly minted 48-year-old president Petro Poroshenko doesn’t get what he inherited since taking office June 7.  While talking tough on Ukrainian nationalism, he lacks the military firepower and backing from the United States and European Union to stave off pro-Russian separatists in Southeaster Ukraine that want no part of his pro-Western Kiev government.  Talking about a “great war” is utterly ludicrous when his own troops can hold their own against pro-Russian separatists in Southeastern Ukraine.  If Poroshenko doesn’t come to his senses, he’ll wind up like Georgian President Mikheil Saashkavili who lost 25% of Georgian territory to Russia in 2008.  Saahashkavili pushed Russian President so far that he moved in the Russian army and seized South Ossetia and Abkhazia.  Ukraine doesn’t have the resources but, more importantly, the political will to fight the Russian Federation.

             Meeting in Minsk, Belarus, Poroshenko hoped to get the backing he needed from the European Union.  “A great war arrived at our doorstep, the likes of which Europe has not seen since World War II,” said Ukraine Defense Minister Vlaeriy Geletey, vowing, in front of EU foreign ministers, to “immediately mount defenses against Russia, which is trying not only to secure positions held by terrorists before but to advance on other territories in the Ukraine,” begging for EU help.  Once considered possible membership in the EU, Poroshenko and Geletey guarantee that Ukraine will never be part of the EU or NATO.  No one in either body wants to defend a country at war with Russia.  After losing Crimea March 1 to Russia, Poroshenko doesn’t get that he presides over a different Ukraine, no longer possessing Crimea and very close to losing Donetsk, Lugansk and other parts of Southeastern Ukraine.

             Pointing fingers at Putin only makes the prospects of retaining Southeastern Ukraine less likely.  Putin no doubt shares common interest with Southeastern Ukraine but isn’t the driving force behind the pro-Russian separatist movement.  Once anti-Russian elements—possibly with CIA help—toppled the duly elected pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovich Feb. 22, Southeastern Ukraine expressed no interest in joing the post-revolutionary Kiev government.  Putin was stuck hosting the Sochi Winter Olympics while pro-Western demonstrators led by 42-year-old Vilali Klitschko drove Yanukovich out of Kiev.  Fallen off the radar, the vociferous Klitschko lapsed into obscurity.  Pro-Western demonstrators upended Ukraine’s stability, leading to today’s civil war.  Yanukovich’s pro-Russian ties held Southeastern Ukraine together, despite leanings toward Moscow.

             There’s little difference to what happened in Moldova’s Transnistria region when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991.  Many former Soviet Satellites—and Ukraine is no exception—preferred ties to Moscow who provided generous government jobs, health care and pension benefits.  Once the Soviet Union disbanded, it left many former Soviet satellites unable to provide adequate government help.  Over 23 years later, those same populations haven’t seen the promises of capitalism redeemed, prompting former Soviet citizens to reunite with Moscow.  Putin has accused the Ukrainian military of “direct targeting” of civilians, prompting Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov to demand a halt to Ukrainian violence.  Pro-Russian separatists pushed out Ukrainian troops from a military airfield near Lugansk, proving that the Ukrainian military lacks the firepower or will to fight.

             In the strategic Black Sea port of Mariupol, pro-Russian separatists continue to advance on what amounts to a strategic bridge to Russia.  Reports of Ukrainian troops retreating from the region indicate Ukraine can’t defend strategic ports.  “The town is being erased off the face of the Earth,” said Yelena Proidak, a resident of Petrovske, in between Donetsk and Lugansk.  “There is no normal life there,” admitting there’s no longer a commanding legal authority, certainly not from Kiev.  Ukrainian authorities don’t get the big picture that there’s no life preserver on the way from the U.S. or EU.  Poroshenko must accept the reality of a newly configured Ukraine, regardless of how they want to return to the pre-March 1 borders.  When Klitschko’s bands of pro-Western demonstrators toppled Yanukovich there was going to be repercussions now plaguing the region and changing the map.

             Asking the U.S. and EU to fight Ukraine’s battle with Russia is unrealistic and inappropriate.  With 30% of its energy coming from Russia, the EU is not in a position of pushing Russian relations to the breaking point.  “We must face the reality that Russia . . considers NATO an adversary,” said NATO Chief Anders Fogh Rasmussen.  “We cannot afford to be naïve,” not realizing the Ukraine has painted a bleak picture of Russian expansionism.  Expected to meet with President Barack Obama at a two-day NATO summit it Wales Sept. 4, Poroshenko hopes to win more U.S. backing to stave off Russian annexation of Southeastern Ukraine.  Obama or Rasmussen for that matter has no rabbit to pull out of their hats.  Poroshenko must face reality that the Ukrainian map has changed since taking power.  Slapping Russia with more sanctions only makes a bad situation worse.

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news.  He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com.and author of Dodging the Bullet and Operation Charisma.


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