What the Press Really Wants

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright August 26, 1999
All Rights Reserved.

fficially ending his honeymoon with the press, governor George W. Bush has found himself rudely ejected out of his Lazy-Boy and into the media hot-seat. With the same dogged tenacity with which they solved the Monica Lewinsky riddle, the press has refocused attention on getting to the bottom of Bush’s 'cocaine question.' With the privacy issue now tortured beyond recognition, the press has issued the Bush campaign its first major challenge by insisting that he answer the cocaine question. But does the press really want to answer 'the question,' or do they want to test Governor Bush’s fitness to manage the media? While it’s easy to believe things at face value, the truth is that specific answers are less important than the manner in which he responds.

       When governor Bush first answered the cocaine question by saying, "I’m not going to participate in the politics of destruction," he was on the right track, attempting to draw his line in the sand. Believe it or not, that was politically correct but still naive and impractical. With the Monica Lewinsky mess fresh on peoples’ minds, it sounded legitimate, until he waffled and opened up a can of worms. "I’m going to tell people that I made mistakes and that I learned from my mistakes," said a mildly contrite governor Bush. Without admitting cocaine use, what other inference can be drawn now? He won’t deny it or admit it, but amplifies the controversy. What’s the point? Like recent revelations about the FBI’s role in Waco, he’s inadvertently fueled the cocaine controversy. With the public on his side saying 'ho hum,' why drag this matter out any longer than necessary?

       Trying to be forthcoming and get the matter behind him, governor Bush said, "As I understand it, the current [FBI] form asks the question, did someone use drugs within the last 7 years, and I will be glad to answer that question, and the answer is no." Clarifying the time frame since his last cocaine episode opened up even more controversy. Hoping to put it to rest, he then denied cocaine use for the past 25 years, chocking it up to youthful indiscretions in his 20s. Pressed further, but stubbornly resisting to come clean, Bush then became surly, "And if they like it [his explanation], I hope they give me a chance. And if they don’t like it, they can go find somebody else to vote for." Pushing hard by the press goes with the territory, especially if the answers raise more questions than they answer. When answers aren’t satisfactory and even worse incendiary, you can’t blame the media for doing their job.

       Blaming the press for crossing the line and asking inappropriate questions isn’t a bad strategy in the wake of the Monica Lewinsky sex scandal. Unfortunately, with the Federal government spending billions of dollars on the war on drugs, illicit drug use — especially by individuals seeking public office — is far less tolerable than extramarital affairs. When the Senate ended the impeachment fiasco last February, the American public finally asserted their belief that investigating a private sexual matter is out of bounds. Just ask Linda Tripp who’s just been indicted for illegal wiretapping. The same can’t be said about illicit drug use — especially cocaine. With 60 percent of the nation’s prison population doing time for non-violent drug offenses, most people take America’s drug problems quite seriously. Because the FBI and other government agencies have a zero tolerance drug policy, candidates running for elected office are also held to similar standards. If past drug use disqualifies many candidates for law enforcement careers, why shouldn’t it apply to candidates running or holding elected office?

       Unlike president Clinton, George W. Bush seems far less comfortable dodging, ducking and detouring. He’s instinctually a straight shooter whose own proclivities — despite the best advice — has him openly answering questions even to his own detriment. But, like others facing press scrutiny, he’s learning what works in your own backyard doesn’t wash in the national press. Since the O.J. trial, tabloidization of the press has created even harsher working conditions for celebrities and politicians. Any rumor or innuendo instantly makes widespread headlines on the internet, cable and network news, talk shows and throughout print world. Whether traditional news bureaus accept it or not, loose rumors and unsubstantiated gossip spread like wild fires into all broadcast and print channels. Without question, the line between 'yellow journalism' — or today’s more hip term, 'tabloid reporting' — and 'legitimate' news is blurred beyond distinction.

       Checking out multiple sources of information before disseminating stories, in broadcast or print, is no longer possible when the major wire services and news organizations compete in ferocious market conditions. Failing to release hot stories risks losing market share. Few have suggested that George W. Bush’s alleged past cocaine use is attributable to spurious reporting. But some have implied that it’s been dredged up by some of his envious political foes playing catch-up in the polls. While this has been denied, the real issue remains how candidates deal with potentially damaging rumors, regardless of whether they’re factual or not. Having a short fuse and showing rancor only shoots candidates in the feet.

       "The best thing in politics," said professor Irwin Guthman of USC’s school of journalism, "is to tell the truth and get on with it." Those familiar with the daily ins-and-outs of politics, know that it’s a tempting fantasy which carries dangerous risks. Mea culpas are usually a last ditch option. No journalist seriously expects candidates to answer every question they’re asked. What they do expect is cheerful responsiveness to difficult questions. All candidates must remind themselves that answering questions doesn’t mean giving self-destructive answers. Sharing personal or private information — which has tenuous relevance to candidates’ stated views — is a luxury they can ill-afford. Anticipating possible pitfalls, crafting the best possible answers and responding amicably to incendiary questions is about all any journalist can really expect.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is director of a West Los Angeles think tank specializing in human behavior, health care and political research and media consultation. He’s a seminar trainer, columnist and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.


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