by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright August 19, 2003
All Rights Reserved.

lowing into U.N. headquarters at the Canal Hotel in Baghdad, a suicide truck bomber detonated a massive payload of C-4 explosives, killing Iraq's U.N. chief, 55-year-old Brazilian Sergio Vieira de Mello and 20 other workers, injuring dozens and throwing into chaos the world body's role in rebuilding the war-torn nation. Calling de Mello a "rising star," U.N. spokesman Fred Eckhard announced an official state of mourning, removing the spectrum of colorful national flags on the colonnade facing the East River in uptown Manhattan. Two weeks ago, a similar blast ripped through the Jordanian embassy, killing 19, signaling that foreign terrorists, most likely working for Osama bin Laden, orchestrated the mayhem. While other groups, including Baath Party loyalists and Saddam's diehards, might be responsible, today's blast had Bin Laden's fingerprints all over it.

      Truck bombings haven't been the M.O. of Saddam's leftovers, preferring sniping, rocket-propelled grenades [RPGs], and other pesky acts of sabotage. C-4 explosives, while not monopolized by Al Qaeda, have been Bin Laden's signature since his programmed assassins first tried to blow up the World Trade Center in 1993. Before 9/11, Bin Laden successfully used C-4 to level U.S. embassies in East Africa in 1998 and rip a 25-foot hole in the U.S.S. Cole in 2000, killing 17 sailors. “There was an enormous amount of explosives in what we believe to be a large truck,” said Benard Kerik, a former New York City Police Commissioner, now heading up police training in Baghdad, reluctant to finger Al Qaeda without more proof. “It's much to early to say that. We don't have that kind of evidence yet,” said Kerik, despite all indicators pointing toward Osama bin Laden. Only yesterday, Al Jazeera TV announced Osama was alive and well.

      After Sept. 11, it didn't take long for authorities to finger Bin Laden, whose terror machine has been escalating attacks on U.S. targets since ejecting the Soviets from Afghanistan in 1988 with U.S. aid. Since partnering with the Taliban in mid-90s, Bin Laden has launched a relentless campaign against U.S. interests, prompting Central Intelligence Agency director George J. Tenet to declare “war” on Al Qaeda in 1998. When Operation Iraqi Freedom began March 20, Bin Laden ordered his mujahedeen to fight Western “invaders” occupying Islamic holy lands, now bringing the “jihad” or holy war to Iraq. Despite 150,000 U.S. troops and the Pentagon's best effort to purge Iraq of terrorist nests, Iraq has been infiltrated by Bin Laden's henchmen, especially since the end of formal combat on May 1. Consecutive blasts within two weeks using C-4 explosives confirm a growing presence of Al Qaeda inside Iraqi borders. Both Saddam and Bin Laden now seek to end U.S. occupation.

      Killing the U.N.'s chief official creates an untenable atmosphere by equating U.S. and U.N. activities. Every U.N. worker has reason to fear that they're now on Bin Laden's hit list, for a war the U.N. bitterly opposed. “That will have a serious impact on our work in Iraq, as well as forcing us to reassess the security risk of working in Iraq . . .” said Eckhard, expressing reservations about a continued U.N. role. Speaking in Crawford, Texas, President Bush called the killers “enemies of the civilized world,” vowing that the setback would only stiffen U.S. resolve. “These killers will not determine the future of Iraq,” said Bush, reminding coalition forces that they face extreme dangers, despite the end of active combat operations. With no exit strategy in sight, U.S. and U.N. personnel must confront more than annoying guerrilla warfare. Confronting C-4 explosives and suicide bombers opens up a new front.

      Calling the attack “the ideology of Al Qaeda,” an expert in radical Islam at Egypt's Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies viewed the blast as consistent with Bin Laden's mission in Palestine and occupied Arab lands. Staring at 15-yard crater, Iraq's U.S. civil administrator L. Paul Brenner III looked on in horror. “We will leave no stone unturned to find the perpetrators of this act,” said Brenner, in language all too familiar, expressing exasperation of what appears to be unending bloodshed. Toppling Saddam opened up a can of worms, trying to satisfy conflicting demands of numerous Iraqi tribes and factions. With Bin Laden and Saddam still on the loose calling for “jihad,” gaining the upper hand in Iraq is a tall order to fill. While Syria and Russia publicly condemn the latest attack, they still bitterly oppose U.S. occupation, supplying safe haven and weapons to foreign fighters.

      Escalating C-4-style bombings suggests strongly that Al Qaeda has taken an ominous foothold in Iraq. Suggesting otherwise, perpetuates the same fanciful denial leaving U.S.forces and U.N. relief agencies at serious risk. Since Bin Laden escaped Tora Bora in Dec. 2001, he continues to be dangerous threat against U.S. interests. Though Saddam's still on the loose, it's Al Qaeda—not Baath loyalists—that represent the biggest threat to post-war Iraq. Like Afghanistan under Soviet occupation, Bin Laden has a new cause celebre, summonsing holy warriors to expel Western invaders, including the U.N., now considered an enemy of radical Islam. With extremists sabotaging U.S. control of Iraq, the White House must rethink its exit strategy, including handing over control to the international community. Democratizing Iraq represents a worthy goal, but not at the expense of sacrificing U.N. personnel or more U.S. troops.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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