by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright August 16, 2005
All Rights Reserved.

elivering on his promise to swap land for peace, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon reluctantly began the process of evacuating Jewish settlements. Israel seized Gaza strip together with the Sinai Peninsula from Egypt during the 1967 War where Arabs tried to vanquish the Jewish state, only 19 short years from its inception in 1948. Egypt, not Palestinians, owned Gaza, despite claims that Israel occupied Palestinian land. Israel returned the Sinai in 1979, signing the historic 1978 Camp David Accords, establishing formal diplomatic relations with Egypt. Watching the Israeli army dismantle settlements seems surreal, considering Sharon's penchant for building settlements on captured Arab lands. “We will make every effort, the army and the police, to have law and order in this process and anyone who acts illegally will be treated according to the law,” said Defense Minister Shaul M. Mofaz.

      Sharon means business instructing the Army to dismantle Israel's most right wing settlements, including Neve Dekalim, Gaza's largest establishment. Settling in Gaza, the home of Hamas and Islamic Jihad, carried the highest risks for settlers, willing to brave any hardship to expand the Jewish state. Brig. Gen. Han Harel, the Israeli commander in the Gaza Strip, warned settlers to cooperate or face forceful evictions by soldiers. Settlers were not expected to go quietly, launching rebellious protests to Sharon's policy attempting to follow U.S. President George W. Bush's “roadmap,” giving back land to achieve a comprehensive peace and new Palestinian state. While Hamas celebrates victory, Israel has mixed feelings about vacating Gaza. Only reluctantly did Sharon convince his Parliament that keeping Gaza was no longer in Israel's national security interests.

      Israel has always paid an exorbitant price for maintaining 8,500 settlers amidst 1.3 million Palestinians, causing continuous headaches for Israel's army, commissioned with the untenable burden of protecting settlers. “It's no secret that I, like many others, believed and hoped we could hold on forever to Netzarim and Kfar Darom,” said Sharon, expressing reluctance to abandoning the settlements. Sharon's change of heart stems, at least in part, from his commitment to Bush for making the unprecedented sacrifices to end diplomatic relations with Yasser Arafat. Against worldwide scorn, no other American president had the courage and wisdom to demand new Palestinian leadership. Bush's “roadmap” required the painful land-for-peace swap, now opening the door for a possible comprehensive peace. Palestinian radicals see Israel's withdrawal as the beginning of the end for the Jewish state.

      Sharon's critics cite his shrewdness and long history of battling Palestinians to interpret his decision to abandon Gaza. He faces bitter opposition in his conservative Likud Party, something that could topple his government. Sharon still has the support of Labour, including former Prime Minister and current Foreign Minister Shimon Peres. “Now the Palestinians need to prove themselves, the world is waiting,” reminding Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to keep radical groups in check. Affectionately called the “Bulldozer,” Sharon embodies the battle-hardened toughness of his generation, fighting to preserve the Jewish state. He arose from the political heap, after his disgraceful exit in 1983 from public life following the Lebanese Phalangist Christian militiamen massacre of Palestinians at Sabra and Shatilla refuge camps in Southern Lebanon. While the press blamed Sharon, they forgot Arafat's 1976 massacre in Damour, Lebanon, where he killed 40,000 Phalangist Christians.

      For 38 years, Israel used the Gaza Strip as a buffer, trying neutralize terrorist activity. While not stopping terrorism, tanks and soldiers on the ground gave the army immediate access to terrorist activities, including paying off snitches and informants. Without boots on the ground in Gaza, it's going to make intelligence more difficult, opening the possibility of more terrorism. Whether that happens depends on whether Abbas can rein-in Hamas and Islamic Jihad. While Abbas seems sincere, it's hard to know whether he'll see Israel's withdrawal as an historic opportunity to aggressively displace Israel from Jerusalem and other “occupied” territories. Most Palestinians, save peace activists, believe that all of Israel occupies Palestinian lands. “I have no regrets,” Sharon told Yediot Aharonot newspaper, realizing that fulfilling his part of the bargain affords him more leverage with Bush. Sacrificing Gaza gives Sharon a virtual free reign with the White House.

      Watching the gut-wrenching images of settlers dragged kicking-and-screaming from their homes is a bitter reminder of the price paid for peace. Former President Jimmy Carter had no clue when he signed the 1978 Camp David Accords returning the Sinai Peninsula he would watch both his peace partners Egyptian President Anwar Sedat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin assassinated by extremists. No one believes that Israel's latest concession will end years of armed conflict. Abandoning Gaza no doubt emboldens Palestinians' radical fringe. It remains to be seen whether Abbas can contain extremists enough to prevent civil war with radical groups. “I know that it is my responsibility to defend and protect the Jewish People,” Sharon told a crowd in Paris last month. Getting Gaza represents a major victory to many Palestinians: In reality, Sharon has played out his best option.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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