by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright August 12, 2008
All Rights Reserved.

           Delivering a devastating blow the Georgia and its U.S.-backed President Mikhail Saakashvili, Russian President Dimitri Medvedev agreed to a ceasefire brokered by French President Nicolas Sarkozy.  President George W. Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney, Secreatary of State Condoleezza Rice and presumptive GOP nominee Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) all blasted Russia for launching an unprovoked attack, blaming the Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin for unjustified aggression.  “The aggressor has been punished,” read a Kremlin statement, blaming Saakashvili for “ethnic cleansing” and ordering the Georgian army to annex Russian-controlled independent provinces.  Instead of accepting responsibility, the 40-year-old Georgian president blamed Russia for trying to destroy his country’s freedom and independence.  Saaksashvili couldn’t admit his reckless power-grab backfired.

             Rushing to judgment, blanket condemnation by U.S. authorities fails to take into consideration the Russian perspective.  Talking about ejecting Russia from the G-8 does nothing to understand Saakashvili’s motivation in attacking South Ossetia, a fiercely loyal Russian province, independent since 1992.   Agreeing to a ceasefire, Medvedev made it clear that Russia would not tolerate persecution or military encroachment by its former territories.  “The aggressor has been punished and suffered very significant losses.  It’s military has been disorganized,” said Medvedev, troubled by U.S. and Israeli military assistance to Georgia.  Already degraded by 14 breakaway countries after the 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia was in no mood to watch more of its provinces fall into a pro-Western orbit.  Flush with petrodollars and looking to make a statement, Russia flexed its muscles.

                Saakashvili and U.S. authorities continue to antagonize Russia, blaming the invasion on Russian aggression.  Georgian troops also moved on the Russian province of Abkhazia, where Georgian forces were holed-up in the Abkhazia gorge, seeking to control Russian-backed provinces.  Saakashvili wants to cast Russian aggression in the context of violating Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.  He enjoys Western sympathies, unwilling to honestly appraise his inexplicable move to annex remaining Russian provinces.  “They just don’t want freedom, and that’s why they want to stamp on Georgia and destroy it,” said a defiant Saakashvili, offering up a mega-dose of jingoism.  White House officials—and McCain—welcomed the bait, preferring simplistic slogans over a factual appraisal of what happened.  Instead of further alienating Russia, the U.S. shouldn’t jump to conclusions.

            Leaders of former Soviet breakaway republics, Lithuania, Latvia and Urkraine rallied with Poland in support of Georgia, also not accepting Saakashvili’s reckless behavior and propaganda.  “Our neighbor thinks it can fight us.  We are telling it no,” said Polish President Lech Kaczynski, fingering Russian actions as a throwback to bygone Soviet days.  Poland and the Czech Republic signed missile defense pacts with the U.S. in April, infuriating Putin and the Kremlin.  Putin warned of consequences to Bush’s insistence to sign missile deals in Eastern Europe.  Under Putin, despite Bush’s insistence that “Vladimir is a good guy,” the Kremlin reversed free market and free press gains won under former premiers Gorbachev and Yeltsin.  Over his eight years in office, Putin dismantled Russia’s free press, jailed political dissidents and expropriated profitable industries.

             Russia’s blitzkrieg in Georgia sent a loud signal to other breakaway republics and to the West that Russia has regained its clout.  Within hours, the Red Army divided Georgia, cutting a wide swath of destruction in its path.  Saakashvili, with his U.S. and Israeli-trained and equipped military, was turned into Jell-O by a superior military force, showcasing its army, air force and navy.  Bush shouldn’t lecture Putin and Medvedev about the disproportionate use of force.  “International law doesn’t envision double standards,” blasting the U.S. for aiding Georgia, and, at the same time, alluding to the U.S. invasion of Iraq.  Bush finds himself in the unenviable position of justifying occupying Iraq and criticizing Russia for defending the integrity of Russan-backed provinces.  Threatening Moscow won’t help the U.S. cause trying to build consensus on containing a growing Iranian nuclear threat.

             Russia flexed its muscle in Georgia, reminding breakaway republics, neighboring states, and, yes, the U.S., that the Russian bear doesn’t want Washington messing in its backyard.  Saakashvili made a rookie mistake trying to annex South Ossetia with Georgian forces.  Whether or not the Russian response was excessive doesn’t erase Saakashvili’s gross miscalculation.  Expecting the U.S. to rescue Georgia, given military commitments in Iraq and Afghanistan, was beyond foolish.  Given deteriorated relations with Russia, in part caused by Bush’s unilateral decision to move forward with missile defense in Eastern Europe, the U.S. has little leverage with Moscow.  More belligerent talk from the White House, or the GOP presidential candidate, won’t push Moscow to leave Georgia anytime soon.  Pushing for sanctions will only tighten Russia’s grip in Georgia and beyond.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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