Under the GOP Big-Tent

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright August 3, 2000
All Rights Reserved.

ith the greatest publicity stunt at their disposal, Republicans convened in Philadelphia to expand their base by trying to convince non-traditional voters that they belong under the spacious GOP tent. For three highly scripted days, they celebrated their new identity, played trendy music, and paraded token minorities before a largely homogeneous White audience. Rolling the dice, Republicans played their version of 'turnabout’s fair play,' which began when Clinton upended the GOP in 1992.

       Morphing into one big happy love-in, GOP choreographers crafted a sudden about face, opening its doors to America’s colorful tapestry of voting groups. Setting the tone, Republican presidential George W. Bush asked people to judge him not by his party’s rhetoric, platform or voting record but 'what’s in his heart.' Touching only lightly on distinguishing issues, the Republican convention avoided controversy, preferring instead to prove to TV-land how they’ve changed their tune. While most people recognize political conventions as elaborate infomercials, few people were buffaloed by all the smoke and mirrors. How many crossover voters really bought the GOP’s 'big tent' idea is anyone’s guess. For some watching from the sidelines, they were a little uneasy with the duplicity. Most people still recall Homer’s tale of the Trojan Horse.

       Whether selling widgets or political smoke, the techniques must be subtle. Republicans’ play for minorities in Philadelphia could easily boomerang by exposing their quiet desperation for electoral votes in key states like New York, Florida or California. Spending too much time pandering and too little time making their best case, Republican spinmeisters might be heading for the help wanted lines. All effective publicity stunts must meet the test of plausible deniability—that is, they must be believable. Masquerading in the wrong costumes carries its own risks for Republicans or Democrats looking to expand their base. Following Clinton’s hijacking in 1992, Republicans were just trying to return the favor. Appearing too obvious defeats the purpose of asking uncommitted voters to jump on board. Watching the Texas delegation bow their heads in protest to openly gay Rep. Jim Colbe’s (Rep.-Az) innocuous speech, reminded a watchful audience that the GOP has a ways to go.

       No matter how much people like The Temptations or Ricky Martin’s Livin’ La Vida Loca, that’s worlds apart from convincing voters that Republicans have turned the corner when it comes to minorities. Even Gen. Colin Powell invited his party to show more tolerance for Affirmative Action. But the stubborn facts remain: The GOP built its 'bootstrap' reputation around ending Affirmative Action, dismantling welfare, reducing the Federal government’s role in education, health care and social engineering, and, finally, reversing Roe v. Wade. Giving Gov. Bush the benefit of the doubt, he’s probably got a 'big heart', but his party’s methods of achieving the American Dream bears little resemblance to the Democrats. Nader’s indictment that both major parties are cloned by the same corporate forces fails to acknowledge the stark differences—especially on key pieces of legislation.

       Selling viewers on diversity, the GOP went out on a limb, hoping that swing voters wouldn’t question Republicans’ sincerity while they pressed their case for minority votes. Praying that the public wouldn’t become too suspicious, the GOP tried to convince an already skeptical TV-audience that there’s room for everyone under the Republican tent. While the GOP likes to compare their standard bearer to the enormously popular Ronald Reagan, the convention strategy could easily backfire. Reagan’s popularity wasn’t based on soliciting minority votes. His message put everyone under one roof precisely because he invited voters to loudly bang the American gong. Contagious optimism, unambiguous and decisive proposals, and brilliant oratory during a time of crisis proved irresistible. With Republicans squandering precious time soliciting non-traditional voters, they might have missed their best shot for making a change. Chaney reminded voters about Clinton-fatigue, but forgot that Bush isn’t running against Bill Clinton.

       Back in 1980, the choice was very clear measuring an anemic economy against the hopes of preserving the American Dream. The situation wasn’t too different in 1992 when a charismatic candidate from Arkansas convinced the American people that it was time for a change. With the economy locked in an unending recession and deficits exceeding 200 billion dollars, the choice was pretty clear. Clearly things are not as favorable for Republicans in campaign 2000. With the country at peace and the economy steaming along, George W. Bush must make a convincing argument why it’s time to for a change. Hammering the integrity issue, Bush made his best case for why America needs a switch. Overdosed with smoke and high-priced spin-doctors, Bush capitalized on Clinton’s leadership and lingering disgust with his personal behavior. Attaching Clinton’s depravity with his running mate makes perfect strategic sense. Lining up Gore in the crosshairs for Clinton’s indiscretions might not fly.

       While the first three days of the Republican convention barked up the wrong tree, Bush showed impressive skill by refocusing his base on his character and heartfelt issues. Bush’s speech was clearly the highlight of the convention, even eclipsing charismatic speakers like John McCain and Colin Powell. Speaking from his heart and delivering his agenda, Bush served notice that no matter how uphill the battle, he’s up to the task. Reflected in the faces of his proud parents, George W. Bush stepped up to the plate and delivered a dignified, tasteful and well executed speech. Lifting his party to a new level, he raised the dialogue to a higher plateau. Unlike the rest of the convention, he seemed authentic, sincere, and prepared to lead his party back to the White House. Despite all the media hype and bounce in the polls, Bush knows he’s still fighting the stubborn reality of the status quo.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for The Los Angeles Daily Journal. He’s director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in human behavior, health care, political research and media consultation. He’s the author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.


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