Turning a Blind Eye

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright August 2, 1999
All Rights Reserved.

merica has endured this humiliation for more than a year now . . . ," said a frustrated presidential candidate Ronald Reagan in 1980, referring to the embarrassing ransacking and takeover of the U.S. embassy in Tehran. When the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini seized control of Iran in a bloody coup in 1979, no effort was spared to spank the U.S. and president Carter for supporting the Shah Reza Muhammad Pahlavi. Just how much the U.S. actually supported the Shah remains unclear. While hindsight is always 20/20, had the U.S. lent greater support to the Shah perhaps history would have been different. Maybe not. But at least for now, there’s no love lost between the U.S. and Iran — the wounds run deep. Despite lingering animosities, can America now afford to turn a blind eye on a fledgling ‘democratic’ movement? As witnessed recently in the Balkans, picking and choosing where the U.S. throws its weight for freedom is a difficult call.

       To Ayatollah Khomeini and his Islamic revolution, the seizure and hostage-taking represented the ultimate symbol of American impotence and Islamic power. Decades of Westernization were suddenly thrown into reverse as Tehran returned back to the dark corridors of its tribal past. Along with the Shah, Pro-Shah Iranians fled for their lives with belongings in hand, many of whom were granted political asylum in the U.S.. Though the Shah died of cancer in 1980, the memory of a better life still burns within the hearts of pro-Western demonstrators trying desperately to free themselves of the tyrannical grip of religious extremism.

       Cracking down on freedom of the press, Iran’s ruling party closed down a popular reformist newspaper, lending a voice to Islamic reformers hoping to institute the sensible views of Iran’s moderate, but politically handcuffed, president Mohammad Khatami. Just as Khatami holds out hope to moderate elements, Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei strengthens his hold on the remaining voices pleading for moderation. Blaming ‘Western’ influences and especially the U.S. on fomenting dissent, Ayatollah Khamenei continues the unrelenting propaganda battle causing the unrest. But Iranians living abroad and those with yearnings for a better life in Tehran, know that the Islamic crackdown can’t stop a pro-democracy movement. No matter how brutal the crackdown, memories of a better life still exist. Regrettably for the Islamic clerics, they can’t totally censor access to cyberspace and the information superhighway.

       When Chinese tanks rolled over pro-democracy demonstrators in Tian’an Men Square, many were wondering how the U.S. could continue to conduct business as usual. With the end of the Cold War, Tehran no longer plays a strategic or military role for the U.S.. Without the game of containing Russian expansionism or collecting intelligence on the Soviet frontier, the U.S currently gets very little from its relationship with Iran. Unlike China, whose critical business ties to corporate America are beyond question, Tehran can now be easily blown off. Without military and business interests and with a ration of bad blood still lingering, the U.S. no longer has to play ball with Tehran.

       Though the U.S. supported Iraq in its bloody 10 year war with Iran, neither country represents a compelling national security interest. Both countries are run by political regimes and religious factions antagonistic to the U.S.. But that still can’t ignore the fact that pro-democracy groups are now rising up against a tyrannical Islamic repression. Coming full circle from the Ayatollah Khomeini, the new wave of Iranian protesters are once again railing against death squads, censorship of the press and human rights violations. So far, the state department remains silent as pro-democracy demonstrators are herded up like cattle, tortured, tried in kangaroo courts, and summarily executed. When will the brutal crackdown end? Some believe it’s just the beginning of further violence and mass executions.

       With the next presidential election season already here, the administration no longer has the luxury of diverting attention onto another military adventure. Diverting attention away from domestic scandals shouldn’t be the basis for committing American assets to dicey military adventurism. Though stopping 'genocide' in the Balkans became a worthy goal, the war in the Balkan’s redirected attention away from the administration’s domestic disgrace, attempting to salvage some measure of historic credibility. Now that we’ve created near anarchy in the region and now face — like Bosnia-Herzegovina — a permanent UN/NATO protectorate, we claim victory. What kind of victory can we claim in Iran, as the world watches another assault on the civilized world? Where’s the outrage? Buried is the residual animosity began, over 20 years ago on president Carter’s watch, when the Ayatollah Khomeini rubbed America’s face in the mud.

       Now we’re left with some tough choices. Either let go of the anger and respond to the yearnings of Tehran’s legitimate dissent or turn another blind eye to freedom’s latest call for help. Though some would argue we have no strategic interests, the truth is that the U.S. bears some responsibility to the world’s largest immigrant Persian community. Protesting throughout the U.S., Persian Americans and those not yet naturalized can’t sit silently while their families and friends are tortured and liquidated in the name of Islam. Americans need to release their grudge and tune-in to the legitimate concerns of their Persian neighbors. Despite America’s bad taste, complaining about traffic jams near peaceful demonstrations ignores the basic right of any group to voice their concerns and draw attention to themselves. When’s the White House finally going to get the message?

About the Author

John M. Curtis is director of a West Los Angeles think tank specializing in human behavior, health care and political research and media consultation. He’s a seminar trainer, columnist and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.


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