by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright August 2, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

uilding its case against Iraq, the White House resuscitated unsubstantiated, yet credible, reports about the Iraqi connection to Sept. 11. Dismissed earlier for a lack of concrete evidence, the FBI and CIA are now open, once again, to examining the link between Mohammed Atta—the alleged on-the-ground ringleader of 9/11—and Saddam Hussein. An unnamed U.S. intelligence official said the CIA was "open to the possibility" of an Iraqi nexus, despite the lack of hard evidence—so far. According to Czech Interior Minister Stanislav Gross, Atta flew to Prague in April 2001 and met with Ahnad Khalil Ibrahim Samir Ani, a vice consul at the Iraqi embassy, believed to be a high-level Iraqi intelligence officer. Czech officials still insist that, despite a lack of proof, the meeting between Atta and Ani took place, prompting Czech officials to expel Ani for subversion April 24, 2001, after observing him casing the Voice of America office in Prague. Looking at the bigger picture, the administration continues to amass a compelling rationale for a "regime change" in Iraq.

      Apologists in Europe and elsewhere claim that Saddam played no role in Sept. 11, nor presents a global threat pursuing weapons of mass destruction. "I suspect that, especially given his psychology and aspirations, Saddam would be reluctant to share with others what he believes to be an indelible source of his own power," said Richard Butler, an Australian who headed the U.N. weapons inspection team in Iraq, discounting Saddam's connection to global terrorists and potential threat to U.S. security. Booted out of Iraq in 1998, Butler was out of line—and clearly over his head—trying to profile Saddam Hussein. "We do not know and have never fully known the quality and quantity of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction," commented Butler, admitting he doesn't have a clue about Saddam's proximity to an A-bomb. Since Sept. 11, the U.S. doesn't have the luxury of only speculating about the unthinkable.

      Butler's remarks mirror the same bland indifference and naiveté about Saddam Hussein. White House officials shutter at the thought of Osama bin Laden getting nuclear bombs. Butler too easily dismisses Saddam's strategic collusion with global terror groups like Al Qaeda. "Tactical cooperation between them is possible," said CIA Director George Tenet in March 2002, raising the reality that Saddam would peddle weapons of mass destruction—including nuclear bombs—to terror groups. Last year the Pentagon estimated that Saddam was only a few years away from possessing enough weapons grade uranium to build a nuclear bomb. Khidhir Hamza, an Iraqi defector who headed Saddam's nuclear weapons program, believes Baghdad is actively involved developing weapons grade uranium. German intelligence estimates Saddam will have enough enriched uranium for three A-bombs by 2005. Butler's reassurance doesn't erase Saddam's intention to develop weapons of mass destruction.

      All fingers point toward Saddam Hussein feverishly pursuing the A-bomb. Raising the Al Qaeda connection ups the ante by raising the stakes of high-risk nuclear terror. "Iraq is working to defeat containment, and in the end, it will achieve its purposes," testified Hamza, telling the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, that Saddam's nuclear obsession can't be ignored. Building as case for a "regime change," the White correctly makes a connection between "the unthinkable" and Saddam Hussein. Allowing Saddam to develop nuclear weapons would destabilize the region and threaten global security. "I do not believe this administration has yet made the case for military action against Iraq," said Sen. Paul Wellstone (D-Minn.), stressing the word yet, since many former doves already lean toward military action. As the anniversary of Sept. 11 draws near and as congress debates security lapses, most Americans accept that future 9/11s must be prevented at all costs—including preemptive military action.

      During two days of hearings, Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman Joseph R. Biden Jr. (D-Del.) encouraged the administration to makes its best case for war. "We must estimate soberly the human and economic cost of war plans and post war plans," said Richard G. Lugar (R-Ind.), urging the White House to seek congressional approval before any strike. Lugar's riddle is partly answered by Hamza's testimony that Saddam's nuclear program remains a provocative threat to U.S. interests. Whatever price must be paid, it can't be swayed by economics or politics. With Sept. 11 already costing trillions, ignoring Saddam is no longer an option. While it's easy to dismiss the evidence, the Atta-Iraq connection makes a compelling case without hard evidence. The fact that the CIA or FBI has no hard evidence doesn't mean that Atta didn't meet with an Iraqi intelligence officer. "The evidence that was out there holds up," said an unnamed intelligence official, reminding skeptics that the connection to Iraq is real.

      As the anniversary of Sept. 11 approaches, Americans are reminded of the high price paid for freedom. With security agencies still taking heat, the White House can't ignore the need for preemptive action. Putting Mohammed Atta back in the news raises eyebrows but isn't wholly needed to justify toppling Saddam and installing a new government. The fact Saddam is busy seeking weapons grade uranium is reason enough for any and all preemptive military action. Allowing unstable tyrants and global criminals to gain access to nuclear weapons makes the rest of the civilized world unsafe. No matter what the objections, European, Asian or Mideast denial—or economic interests—can't deter the U.S. from accepting its proper role on the world stage. "I think they're going to pull it all together," said Gary J. Schmitt, executive director of Project for a New American Century, realizing that there won't be a new century if evil gets too far out of hand.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's a consultant and expert in strategic communication. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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