Egypt Moves Closer to Civil War

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright July 8, 2013
All Rights Reserved.                                      

             When Egyptians voted in 61-year-old U.S.-educated Mohamed Morsi June 24, 2012, few Egyptians imagined the Muslim Brotherhood would hijack the election and impose strict Islamic law on the Constitution.  After 30 years of authoritarian rule of Hosni Mubark, Egyptians were ready for a change, sparked by the popular uprising that toppled Mubarak Feb. 11, 2011.  When reports surfaced about Mubarak enriching himself at Egyptians’ expense to the tune of $60 billion, protesters stormed his presidential palace driving him out of Cairo, fleeing to the Sinai Peninsula resort of Sharm el-Sheikh.  Voters were so disgusted with years of corruption they would have voted for anyone but Mubarak’s.  When Morsi emerged victorious Feb. 11, 2001, no one imagined that the Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood would try to impose strict Islamic law on the Egytian public.

             Since toppling Morsi July 3, Muslim Brotherhood’s leader Mohammed Badie called for “peaceful” civil disobedience to protest what he sees as an unlawful coup staged by the Islamic military.  White House officials have been practically mum over events in Egypt, knowing that Morsi was the duly elected Egyptian president.  Calling for jihad or holy war against Egypt’s U.S.-backed military, Badie opens the door to a Syrian-style civil war in Egypt.  Kiling 51 and wounding 430 Muslim Brotherhood-backers at Republican Guard Officers Club in Cairo, the Egyptian military served notice that they won’t be bullied by the Brotherhood or threats of civil war.  Calling the military’s response a “massacre,” the Brotherhood called for “an uprising by the great people of Egypt against those trying to steal the revolution with tanks,” read a new Muslim Brotherhood communiqué.

             Backed by the U.S. military, Egypt’s army, led by Gen. Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, toppled Morsi July 3, after giving the former Cal State Northridge professor 48-hours to share power with opposition factions.  Since taking office June 30, 2011, it became clear that Morsi was a Muslim Brotherhood puppet, showing no independence to reflect the popular uprising known as the “Arab Spring” that toppled Mubarak Feb. 11, 2011.  As he granted himself supreme power, ignored the independent Egyptian judiciary and allowed the Brotherhood to rewrite the Egyptian constitution, the people rebelled.  When el-Sisi gave Morsi the ultimatum, he promised the Egyptian military would reflect the popular will of voters.  Morsi stubbornly refused to include opposition groups into a policy-making role in the Egyptian government.  Now Brotherhood supporters insist that law- abiding Egyptians want Morsi reinstated.

             When Egypt’s Nobel Prize winning President Anwar Sedat took over Oct. 15, 1970 after the death of President Gamal Abdel Nasser, Egypt turned a new direction with U.S.-backing, away from the kind terrorism and war-mongering that led to Egypt’s humiliating defeat in Israel’s 1967 “Six-Day War.”  Nasser died at only 52-years-of-age a broken man after leading Egypt—at the behest of Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat—to a bitter defeat.  Sedat worked hard for peace during his eleven years in office, before assassinated by Islamic radicals Oct. 6, 1981.  Mubarak showed little tolerance for the extremist elements—including the Muslim Brotherhood—during his 30-year reign.  Since Sadat’s death, the U.S.-helped build a strong, independent Egyptian military to prevent any attempt by extremist groups to takeover the Egyptian government.

             Camped out to protest the military’s July 3 coup, the Muslim Brotherhood promised to protest until the new Egyptian government released Morsi.  “Every country would allow soldiers to protect a military installation,” said military spokesman Ahmed Ali, defending the violence.  “We have been on the streets protecting citizens for 10 days,” said Ali.  “It is our duty to protect you,” asserting the right of military to protect citizens against possible insurgencies.  When you consider the military deposing Morsi July 3, the Muslim Brotherhood feels no protection, only an assault.  What the Morsi and the Brotherhood can’t fathom is the fact that they hijacked the government and imposed his version of strict Islamic law on Egypt.  When el-Sisi gave him the ultimatum July 1, he said emphatically the military was obligated to honor the will of the people as expressed by massive street demonstrations.

             Calling the military’s response a “massacre,” the Muslim Brotherhood wants to paint the interim Egyptian government led by Supreme Court Chief Justice Adly Mansour as a fascist state.  Egypt’s military means business when it comes to arresting power from the Muslim Brotherhood.  “We were out on the streets to defend our legitimacy,” said Essam Yehi, a Brotherhood supporter and young doctor attending to victims of the military’s attack.  “But then the army shot us in broad daylight,” attesting to the brutal reality of today’s military assault.  Brotherhood supporters would like to turn back the clock and reinstate Morsi but it’s not going to happen.  Egypt’s military has the solid backing of the U.S. and Great Britain, disappointed that the June 24, 2012 election handed power to a radical group.  Instead of knowing their place, the Brotherhood’s power grab eventually backfired.

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news.  He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com.and author of Dodging the Bullet and Operation Charisma.