by John M. Curtis
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Copyright July 5, 2001
All Rights Reserved.

mposing a right wing agenda and detouring from the peoples’ business, Bush’s poll numbers head south. Getting that sinking feeling, President George W. Bush watched his popularity unravel under the weight of a sputtering economy and anemic stock market. Promising but not delivering on “compassionate conservatism,” Bush’s agenda alienated moderates within his own party, leading to the disastrous defection of Sen. James M. Jeffords (I-Ver.) handing the Senate to the Democrats for the first time in eight years. Wishful thinking, it could “turn out be a good thing for the president because it forces him to compromise . . .” said an unnamed senior political advisor, suggesting that softening his agenda helps his cause. With his legislative plans now in jeopardy, the White House must either stay the course or switch gears and demonstrate the flexibility needed to reign-in moderates and mend fences. Asked whether compromise is on the horizon, “He [Bush] continues to send a signal that, ‘I’m going to do what I want to do, and if nobody likes it, I’m going to go back to Crawford,’” said a GOP lobbyist close to the Oval Office, indicating that Bush isn’t quite ready to acquiesce.

       Without Reagan’s magic, foisting his brand of conservatism hasn’t played well in the polls, dragging his approval ratings down from 63% to 52%. While some would like to discount the latest numbers, the precipitous drop represents trouble ahead. With the economy in the tank, there’s precious little room for ideological squabbles and unpopular positions. Led by chief strategist Karl Rove, operatives in the White House war room are spending sleepless nights picking the right battles. Before Jeffords bolted the GOP, Bush managed to engineer sweeping tax reform, delivering a key campaign promise to his base. Now faced with tough choices, he must make all the rights moves on the patients’ bill of rights, Medicare prescription drug benefits, and, eventually, campaign finance reform. At least for now, Bush can’t count on a robust economy to bail out his domestic agenda. Spoiling the White House plans, a sagging economy makes it difficult to sell unpopular proposals.

       Complicating the picture is the nation’s current energy crisis, causing dwindling supplies and skyrocketing prices—especially in California and the Western states now facing power shortages and rolling blackouts. Playing hardball with California, Vice President Dick Cheney announced the White House’s opposition to price controls, despite a runaway electricity market pushing the state—and indeed the entire economy—closer to recession. Blaming California and offering little help, the White House turned off many centrists looking for real solutions not useless platitudes about free markets. Showing more empathy for the energy lobby, the administration pitted itself against the man in the street trying to pay soaring energy bills. With energy suppliers showing obscene profits and California demanding billions in refunds, Bush’s own Federal Energy Regulatory Commission [FERC] reversed gears and granted limited price caps. Still opposing controls, the White House badly misplayed its hand, pandering to energy interests over cash-strapped ratepayers.

       With California accounting for 16% of the U.S. economy, it wasn’t politically correct to blame the golden state for causing its own problems. Sure, the governor and legislature made a terrible mistake in 1996 deregulating electricity, but today’s problems beg for helpful solutions not ‘I-told-you-sos.’ Even in the area of health care, the White House recites the party line of the American Assn. of Health Plans—the country’s major lobbying group for HMOs. When the economy’s booming, less people object to unpopular legislation. But with the sputtering economy and bear market, working people look for greater charity from the federal establishment, including things like prescription drug benefits and better health care. It’s a bit paranoid to view the patients’ bill of rights, campaign finance reform, and Medicare prescription drug benefits as a left wing conspiracy to discredit the president. Democrats don’t tell the White House to oppose popular legislation. In fact, moderate Republicans begged the administration join a growing bipartisan majority favoring the patients’ bill of rights.

       When the administration sided with HMOs, it wasn’t caused by liberal conspirators. No, it was initiated by conspicuous favoritism toward publicly traded health care companies. Spearheading opposition to the patients’ bill of rights in the Senate, Sen. Bill First (R-Tenn.) embarrassed the White House by revealing his unctuous ties to Columbia/HCA—one of the nation’s leading managed care companies. With glaring conflicts of interest, why the White House sought out Sen. First is anyone’s guess. But when you add up all the unpopular positions on key legislation it’s no wonder why Bush’s approval ratings nose dived. Sending legislation to be neutered in the Republican House also won’t help Bush’s popularity ratings. No matter how you cut it, coming down on the side of publicly traded companies doesn’t play well with battered taxpayers. If Bush wants to neuter Democrats, he needs to go with the flow and jump aboard popular legislation. “Bush is going to veto a patients’ bill of rights that isn’t right, period,” said a GOP lobbyist with close White House ties, suggesting that Bush is too dug-in-his-heels to turn things around.

       When Clinton’s approval ratings plummeted in 1993 resulting in Newt Gingrich’s “Republican revolution” in 1994, it wasn’t until the economy turned around that he saw his numbers improve. All the talk about ‘politically correct’ legislation won’t save the Bush administration if the economy doesn’t rebound—and sometime soon. But regardless of what direction the economy takes, Bush must heed the words of his mentor and idol. “You, the people of this blessed land: Your hopes, your dreams, your aspirations will be the hopes, dreams and aspirations of this administration—so help me God!” said Ronald Reagan during his first inaugural address, letting the man in the street know, in no uncertain terms, that he comes first. Getting back on track, Bush must redouble his efforts and commitment to hardworking taxpayers, not only publicly traded corporations whose whining about excessive government plays like a broken record. Siding with the corporate elite leaves voters with the impression that America’s getting another banal lecture on “trickle-down economics.” Getting back to business means doing the peoples’ work.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for the Los Angeles Daily Journal. He’s director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in political consulting and strategic public relations. He’s the author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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