by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright June 28, 2009
All Rights Reserved.

        Arresting eight staff of the British Embassy, the right wing government of newly reelected Mahmoud Ahmadinejad slapped the West in the face, serving notice that Iran’s defiance won’t stop anytime soon.  President Barack Obama hoped to find a change of heart from eight years of hostility during the reign of former President George W. Bush.  Stiff U.N. Security Council sanctions haven’t deterred Tehran from feverishly enriching uranium, a growing worry that the Persian nation seeks its first A-bomb.  When violent protests broke out after the disputed June 12 election the religious regime of Supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei faced the most dissent since Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s 1979 Islamic Revolution toppled the Shah.  Iran’s Republican Guard and heavily armed Basij militia systematically crushed opposition led by reformer Mir-Hossain Mousavi.

            Seizing British embassy employees harks back to the 1979 ransacking of the U.S. embassy and kidnapping of 52 diplomatic personnel.  U.S. diplomatic personnel were held hostage for 444 days, finally released at noon, Jan. 20, 1981, only minutes after former President Ronald Reagan was sworn into office.  Since the June 12 election, Ahmadinejad has done his utmost to divert attention and blame the U.S. and Britain. Tehran’s street unrest, accepting no responsibility for fixing the election, giving Ahmadinejad another four years to antagonize the U.S. and Israel.  Calling for executions of.election protesters, senior cleric Ahmed Khatami urged Khamenei to deal harshly with anti-election demonstrators.  Iran’s Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki blasted Britain and the U.S. for fomenting demonstrations, warning that more protests would cause more diplomatic damage.

            British had a long colonial history in Iran, developing, with the help of British Petroleum, Tehran’s oil industry.  Iran’s Interior Minister Hossein Mohseni Ejeie confirmed arrests of British Embassy personnel, insisting the employees started the rioting.  “Some of these individuals . . . have been summoned.  Some have been released after preliminary investigations and some have been kept in custody,” said Ejeje, warning Britain to stop meddling in Iranian affairs.  Promising a “strong an collective response,” British Foreign Minister David Miliband got strong support from the European Union.  “There was . .  a unanimous view that the European Union would act with solidarity and common commitment in the face of harassment and intimidation,” warning Tehran of consequences should detainees not be released.  Milliband categorically rejected blame for meddling in Iranian elections.

            Whipping up more paranoia, Khamenei and Ahmadinejad no how to distract voters from what Mousavi insists was fraud.  He rejects any partial recount by Iran’s Guardian Council and demands a new election.  Mousavi has no power other that getting more followers to keep demonstrating.  Despite sporadic demonstrations and cries of “Alluh Akbar,” of two thousand marchers have been incarcerated, awaiting the harshness of Khamenei’s justice.  With clerics like Khattami calling for death to protestors, Mousavi’s followers will be driven more underground.  “The British embassy played an important role in recent riots both through media and its local sources [people],” said Khamenei, accusing American and British officials of making “idiotic comments” about Iran.  Khamenei’s harsh rhetoric matches his mouthpiece, frequently letting Ahmadinejad insult Western governments.

            Seizing British embassy personnel extends the crackdown and makes future Western dialogue more difficult.  Barack fournd out quickly that the Bush administration was not responsible for deteriorated U.S.-Iranian relations.  Accused this week of  “acting like Bush,” Ahmadinejad expected Obama to publicly apologize for saying he was “outraged and appalled” by Iranian treatment of peaceful protesters.  White House officials got a rude awakening about the deteriorated state of U.S.-Iranian relations.  Whether amicable, conciliatory or not, the same radical clerics run the Persian nation, unwilling to compromise on uranium enrichment.  Iran sees nuclear power—and weapons—as giving it more clout on the world stage.  More harsh U.N. sanctions won’t stop Tehran from defying the West, enriching more uranium and eventually building A-bombs and delivery systems.. 

            Seizing British personnel fires a shot across the bow, putting the West on notice that Iran calls the shots in its own backyard.  Detaining embassy employees violates British sovereignty.  U.S. and British officials must recalculate Iranian strategy in light of new developments, putting Iran on notice that provocative acts won’t be tolerated.  Blaming street protests on foreign influences dismisses the sham of a fixed election, giving sizable numbers of voters the first glimpse how Iran’s religious clerics seek absolute power.  With the government’s crackdown underway, reform leader Mousavi loses hope that he can mobilize enough dissent to force a new election.  Khamenei and Ahmadinejad have no intent of ceding power to reformers, especially Mousavi, now considered a traitor.  British officials must endure the humiliation while Tehran pounds its chest.

 About the Author

 John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news.  He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.