by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright June 28, 2000
All Rights Reserved.

nvited to the Senate Judiciary Committee hot-seat and grilled by Sen. Arlen Specter (Re-Pa.), Atty. Gen. Janet Reno refused to acquiesce to another round of partisan mudslinging about interminable campaign finance indiscretions. "I want to make sure that the investigation is done the right way," said Reno, "so that it does not interfere with the democratic process." Demanding that she appoint a special counsel to investigate Vice President Gore’s alleged fund-raising abuses, Reno hung tough, "If circumstances justify the appointment of a special counsel, I’ll be the first one to make it." Atty. Gen. Reno made it plain to Sen. Specter that she wouldn’t be railroaded into opening up another can of worms. Look what happened last time she gave the green light to appoint an independent counsel. With Clinton barely skating by in the Senate’s impeachment trial, few can accuse Reno of only playing politics.

       With only 4 months remaining until the November election, even Sen. Specter admitted that it’s probably too late in the game to conduct another investigation. When fellow Justice Department investigator Robert J. Conrad Jr. recently urged the appointment of a special counsel, many Democrats cried foul, claiming that the timing and orchestration by the Republican dominated Senate Judiciary Committee reveals egregious "political skulduggery and dirty tricks"—at least according to Gore spokesman, Chris Lehane. Sinister as that sounds, Conrad’s findings still leave many unanswered questions, including the imponderable: What did Gore think he was doing attending a Democratic National Committee luncheon hosted at the Buddhist temple in Hacienda Heights, Calif., back on April 29, 1996? Reaching into someone’s heart or mind is especially difficult for prosecutors trying to nail down true motives.

       "I have told the truth. I have cooperated fully," said Vice President Gore responding to questions from pesky reporters aboard Air Force Two en route to campaign stops in California. "I don’t want people to have the impression that I’m trying to hide something here," said Gore after releasing the full 123-page transcript of his interrogation by Justice Department task force chief Robert J. Conrad Jr. Gore insisted that he had no clue that the DNC Buddhist temple fund-raiser yielded $140,000, much of which was returned once the scandal leaked to the press. Making matters worse, Gore fund-raiser and consultant Maria Hsia pled guilty to disguising the foreign origin of donations obtained at the Buddhist Temple luncheon. Conrad’s incredulity about Gore’s denials was fueled by the fact that Gore knew that DNC fund-raisers John Huang and Richard Sullivan were involved with the event. Stretching plausible deniability to the breaking point, Gore maintained that he thought the Buddhist temple luncheon was only an "outreach" to the Asian community.

       "There was no solicitation of money," said Gore to a dubious Conrad, "I did not see any money or checks change hands. I never heard it discussed. Nor did I believe it took place, incidentally. Perhaps you know that some money changed hands there. But to this day, I don’t know that any did." Stating this simply means he asked for nothing himself or that no one whipped out their checkbooks in his presence, but makes no reference to Conrad’s real dilemma of proving what was in Gore’s mind. Reminiscent of Clinton’s clever grand jury testimony, Gore also proved he’s up to the task when it comes to using spin. Of course candidates don’t take the checks personally, but feigning ignorance seems implausible to skeptical prosecutors like Conrad. Like the Lewinsky sex scandal, few people really care about Gore’s fund-raising escapades in the White House or elsewhere. Look what happened to presidential hopefuls Bill Bradley and John McCain who made campaign finance reform their pet peeves.

       "Sen. Specter has virtually turned the U.S. Senate into George W. Bush’s press office . . ." said Gore spokesman Chris Lehane, using partisan politics as a convenient decoy and smoke screen. Though partisanship no doubt plays a part, Gore’s explicit testimony can’t be entirely ignored. While some people believed Reagan knew nothing about Iran-Contra, few attributed the leaks to purely political subterfuge. When asked by Conrad what happened to his missing e-mail files, Gore responded, "I have no idea." Adding everything up, it’s no wonder that Conrad’s tearing out his hair. Everyone knows about Gore’s prodigious memory and reputed computer knowledge. Sure he’d like to get the truth, but there’s far too much at stake to interfere with the current presidential campaign. Responding to the pressure, Atty. General Reno took exception with her hard-working deputy, "But nothing should be rushed . . . because when we rush to justice, we don’t get it . . . any decision that I make is made without political influence from anyone." Those following the Elian Gonzalez fiasco know that Reno’s approach hasn’t helped Gore’s cause in South Florida.

       Disappointing Congressional Republicans, Reno put the kibosh on current plans for an independent counsel. While sparring with Sen. Specter, she reminded him who’s the boss, "You can tell me I’m wrong, but I’ll have greater confidence in your telling me I’m wrong when you have all the facts." No shrinking violet, Atty. Gen. Reno stood her ground as she’s done in other controversial matters. Summing it all up, "No one has been more resistant to pressure or is more independent than you. The decision [on an outside counsel] is not in the hands of the FBI director or the head of the campaign task force, but in your hands," remarked Sen. Dianne Feinstein (Dem.-Calif.). Like District Court Judge Susan Weber Wright who dismissed Paul Corbin Jones’ sexual harassment claim against President Clinton, Reno isn’t saying that nothing odd happened, she’s only saying that she won’t appoint an independent counsel now. Like her or hate her, you can’t deny her grace under pressure.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for The Los Angeles Daily Journal. He’s director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in human behavior, health care, political research and media consultation. He’s the author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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