by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright June 25, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

reaking new ground, President George W. Bush charted a bold course for Middle East peace, calling for a top-down overhaul of the Palestinian political machine. Bucking prevailing wisdom—including Yasser Arafat and the Palestinian Authority—the White House concluded that the path to peace didn't go through Ramallah. Former President Clinton found out the hard way watching Arafat shred the 1993 Oslo Accords, resort to violence and launch his "save Al Aqsa" intifada in Sept. 2000. Under Bush's steady hand, U.S. policy turned an unmistakable corner Sept. 11, unwilling to tolerate "terrorism" for any reason or rationale. Arafat couldn't change directions, euphemistically calling suicide bombing "heroic resistance." No matter whom Bush sent to the Middle East, special envoy Admiral Anthony Zinni, Vice President Dick Cheney, Secretary of State Colin A. Powell and Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld, they were met with unending suicide bombing. Preserving the "Bush Doctrine," the president had no other choice but calling for new leadership.

      World leaders haven't caught up with changes in U.S. foreign policy since 9-11. "Peace requires a new and different Palestinian leadership so that a Palestinian state could be born," said Bush, reversing 40 years of U.S. policy, unwilling to draw an unequivocal line against violence. Sept. 11 brought into clear focus that terrorism threatens not just Israel but now the United States. "I call on the Palestinian people to elect new leaders not compromised by terror," alluding to Arafat's role in encouraging terrorism, despite slick public relations. Palestinians can't have it both ways: Both condemning terrorism and legitimizing it as a form of resistance. Nor does it work to blame Israel for dismantling Palestinian security forces or implicate a litany of independent radical groups. Despite denials, compelling documents found in Arafat's compound placed his signature on pay invoices for terrorists. When Secretary of State Powell went to Ramallah, he gave Arafat an ultimatum: End the suicide bombing or go it without the U.S.

      U.S. Middle East policy now sends an unambiguous message to Palestinian leadership: Suicide bombing, guerrilla war and armed struggle won't win a Palestinian state. Whether Arafat orchestrates suicide bombings or has no control of radical groups indicates that he's no longer in command. "Finally, you have to say something has to change, something has to be different," said an unnamed White House official, signaling that Bush broke new ground. Few experts expected a radical departure from the typical State Department platitude that "it takes two to tango." Bush's doctrine makes the deliberate slaughter of innocents totally unacceptable. "President Arafat was elected by the Palestinian people in a direct election . . . And President Bush must respect the choice of the Palestinian people," said Palestinian Cabinet Ministers Saeb Erekat, failing to mention that Arafat was the only candidate on the slate. Even well meaning diplomats can't speak their minds under a tyrannical grip.

      Bush's new policy dashes hopes of a Palestinian state without sweeping reforms, including democratizing its institutions. "A Palestinian state will never be created by terror. It will be built through reform," said Bush, reminding critics that there can be no compromise when it comes to terror. "The president has set U.S. foreign policy and U.S. Arab relations back," said James J. Zoby, president of the Arab American Institute, demonstrating how American lobbying groups are hijacked by foreign interests. Bush's policy doesn't set back U.S. foreign policy or Arab-American relations: It establishes moral clarity for stepping into the future. Zoby's lost in Palestinian propaganda, unable to see the bigger picture in the war on terrorism. Even the United Nations seems muddled in Middle East politics. "The issue of who should lead the Palestinian people is one that only the Palestinian people can decide," said U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, failing to get Bush's message. Palestinians may choose Arafat and suicide bombing, but they won't get a state subsidized by the U.S.

      Renouncing terrorism is only one part of Bush's plan calling for more accountability and democratic reforms. Before the latest revolt, the Palestinian Authority was in financial ruins, unable to pay its bills. With the current mismanagement, it's difficult to imagine the U.S., Europe, World Bank or International Monetary fund handing over more cash without outside supervision. "When the Palestinian people have new leaders, new institutions and new security arrangements with their neighbors, the United States of America will support a Palestinian state . . ." said Bush, setting clear parameters for future discussions. Palestinian, Arab, and European leaders must come to grips with how the U.S. changed since Sept. 11. With 3,000 U.S. citizens exterminated by terrorism, the U.S. can't accept any excuse for civilian carnage. Palestinian leaders—and those sympathizers in the U.S.—must fully comprehend Bush's message that terror won't win political concessions.

      Still reeling from the harsh reality of Bush's speech, the Palestinian Authority must now make an all out push to fight terrorism and begin reforms. Arafat must convene his cabinet and take a searching inventory for fresh leadership. Having badly failed the Palestinian people, it's time to pass the baton to new leaders capable of accepting Bush's prescription for peace. "The hatred of a few holds the hopes of many hostage," said Bush, inviting Palestinians to begin the painful process of reform. Having crashed the ship of state, Arafat should quietly step aside and allow moderate elements to fix the damage. Bush "showed strong moral leadership by acknowledging that the path to peace doesn't run through Arafat's compound," said conservative House Majority Whip Tom Delay (R-Texas), echoing both sides of the aisle. While some grumble that Bush took sides, his plan is the only practical step to find a workable solution to the Mid East crisis. Many opportunities have already been missed. But the worst sin would be to backslide and make the same mistakes all over again.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for the Los Angeles Daily Journal. He directs a Los Angeles think tank specializing in corporate consulting and strategic communication. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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