Schwarzenegger Flexes

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright June 13, 2005
All Rights Reserved.

nable to muscle California's Democratic legislature, Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger threatened to call a special election to implement his controversial reform proposals. Making little headway in Sacramento, the governor decided to make an end run through California's initiative process, though he doesn't need to collect signatures for a special election. Schwarzenegger finds himself caught between a rock and hard place, convincing state legislators to adopt budget-slashing, cost-cutting proposals aimed at re-districting and targeting public service employees, trade unions, educators, nurses and other groups he calls “special interests.” “This is a referendum on the future of California,” said Rusty Hammer, president of the pro-business Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, calling on the governor to reform government without the legislature.

      On the surface, special elections look like a democratic process when, in fact, they're an really an attempt to bypass elected officials. Elected legislators have responsibilities to constituencies around the state. Arnold thinks that if can't get his way with elected officials he can go directly to the people. Schwarzenegger's handlers believe his best chance of reforming the state is by selling voters—like he did in his special election against the unpopular former Gov. Gray Davis—over the airwaves. Arnold has shown impressive persuasive skills but runs up against “working people” tied to the state bureaucracy. When Arnold talks about reform, he's referring to upending fringe benefits associated with government work. Whether he likes it or not, the state is California's largest employer. Attacking state employees makes Arnold the enemy of teachers and organized labor.

      Calling a special election poses big political risks, showing signs that he's looking for early retirement. While most people agreed the state needed a change, few imagined that the governor would go against public servants. Seeking a spending cap, new legislative districts and changes in teacher tenure, Arnold has mobilized rank-and-file public employees now threatened by his proposals. Going after the way unions use dues for political contributions threatens the state's Democratic establishment. Calling his plan “The Year of Reform,” Arnold's trying to pull a fast-one on California voters. Schwarzenegger's transparent about his intent to spend around $70 to $80 million on a special election to potentially save the state billions. But the billions saved will come out of the hide of public employees. Arnold's plan directly threatens unions, teachers and public employees.

      Arnold played an invincible Hollywood superhero but might find himself cannibalized by his own policies, trying to balance California's books on the backs of public employees. Gearing up for “the great battle,” Arnold believes that his persuasive skills can convince enough disgruntled voters. Instead of calling special elections, the governor should be working, and, yes, compromising, with the state's elected officials. California's Republican Party believes redistricting should solve the conundrum of how to end Democrats' stranglehold on the legislature. If his proposals flop, it's doubtful he'll seek reelection in ‘06. Despite his wife Maria Shriver's liberal bent, Arnold proved himself a right wing idealogue, allowing conservative handlers to set his agenda. California's diverse population requires a governor that appreciates the labor of teachers, nurses and public servants.

      California's exploding immigrant population gets hit especially hard by budget cuts and reductions in entitlements. When Arnold campaigned for governor, he promised to get California its fair share from the federal government. With its newcomer population exploding and the census approaching 38 million, Arnold needs to squeeze Washington for more dinero. Slashing state pension funds or denying more access to healthcare won't undo California's burden shouldering excessive costs for immigrants and newcomers. “The state of California is today strapped for cash, and I think it is a mistake to spend tens of millions of dollars on a special election, just eight months before the scheduled election,” said U.S. Sen. Diane Feinstein, objecting to Arnold's recent brainstorm. Special elections aren't supposed to bridge the gap between the state house and legislature.

      Putting all his eggs into the special election basket, Schwarzenegger rolls the dice, looking for voters to bail him out. Unlike the special recall election, voters now see what they stand to lose supporting the governor's plan. Before they only had to lose Gov. Gray Davis. Now public service workers and unions stand to lose billions in fringe benefits, force minors to obtain parental consent for abortions and gerrymander state districts to favor GOP candidates. While there's nothing wrong with regulating the state's energy markets, mandating and lowering prescription drug prices, special elections should be used for only extraordinary circumstances. Playing hardball with state legislators doesn't make up for failing to negotiate. Working together or negotiating in good faith obviates the need for holding special elections or coercing the legislature into making concessions.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.


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