by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright June 13, 2004
All Rights Reserved.

ipping its nuclear hand, Iran admitted it has no intention of abandoning its uranium enrichment program, a key step to building atomic bombs. Up till now, Iran insisted that its nuclear program was purely for generating electric power. Facing increased scrutiny by the Vienna-based International Atomic Energy Agency, Iran signaled that dismantling its uranium enrichment program was off the table. Iran's Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi said he wants the international community to accept Iraq as part of the “nuclear club.” With the U.S. military bogged down in Iraq, it's stretched too thin to consider new military adventures, including neutralizing a growing Iranian nuclear threat. Iran's brazen insistence on developing weapons' grade uranium makes talks with the IAEA problematic. Iran's enrichment program threatens the entire Persian Gulf.

      When IAEA inspectors found traces of weapons grade uranium, Iran denied any wrongdoing. Kharrazi's insistence on joining the “nuclear club” doesn't sound like a country intent on generating electric power. “We won't accept any new obligations,” said Kharrazi, thumbing his nose only days before the IAEA meets to consider Iran's nuclear program. “Iran has a high technical capability and has to be recognized by the international community as a member of the nuclear club. This is an irreversible path,” putting the IAEA on notice that Iran plans to follow India and Pakistan into the A-bomb-making business. Unlike India and Pakistan, Iran's atomic weapons program directly threatens U.S. interests—and certainly Israel. Compared to Iran, Saddam's nuclear program was in the dark ages. With the U.S. stuck in Iraq, it can't contain a growing Iranian threat.

      Iran already bought and paid for Pakistan's atomic know-how. Pakistan's celebrated atomic bomb maker Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan furnished Iran the blueprints needed for building nuclear bombs. Khan believes all third world countries should possess atomic weapons. He thinks the doctrine of Mutual Assured Destruction keeps predators away. That was certainly the experience with India, once Pakistan tested its A-bombs. Iran has not signed the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, preventing it from making nuclear bombs. “That somebody demands we give up the nuclear fuel cycle . . .” said Kharrazi, rejecting the idea on both processing and enriching uranium, a necessary step in making the fissile material necessary for building A-bombs. American and European nonproliferation groups have demanded that Tehran abandon its nuclear weapons programs.

      Iran's boldness reflects growing awareness that the U.S. has its hands tied in Iraq. Bogged down fighting a bloody guerrilla war, the U.S. can't restrain a growing Iranian nuclear threat. Today's detour in Iraq now prevents the Pentagon from opening up a new front in Iran. Iran knows that the U.S. is already spread too thin in Iraq, permitting it to take liberties with nuclear program. Telling the world it plans to join the “nuclear club,” Iran no longer fears U.S. retaliation. “We can't accept such an additional demand, which is contrary to our legal and legitimate rights,” said Kharrazi, telling the IAEA that it has no plans of curtailing it fission program. Atomic bombs gave Pakistan the leverage with which to blackmail India. Allowing Iran to build the next Islamic bomb makes negotiating next to impossible. Threatening to use atomic weapons, Iran could dominate Iraq—and indeed the entire Persian Gulf.

      Allowing rogue regimes like Iran to develop nuclear bombs destabilizes the entire region. With Al Qaeda already infiltrating Iraq and overrunning Saudi Arabia, allowing Iran to build A-bombs invites nuclear blackmail. Improvised Explosive Devices pale into insignificance compared to atomic weapons. Placed by rogue states into terrorists' hands, A-bombs would wreak havoc on the Western world. Terrorists like Osama bin Laden could blackmail the U.S. into unthinkable concessions, including taking over the world's largest oil fields. “No one in Iran can make a decision to deny the nation of something that is a source of pride,” said Kharazi, admitting that Iran's enrichment program gives it unprecedented clout. Under the brutal repression of Ayatollah Khameini, democracy has little chance of flourishing. Iran already funds, supplies and supports terrorists in Iraq. Whatever happened to the Bush Doctrine?

      Iran's nuclear weapons' programs directly threaten U.S. national security. Unless the IAEA can stop a growing atomic threat, Iran will be able to blackmail the West with impunity. With A-bombs in Iranian hands, the U.S. and Israel—let alone friendly Gulf states—would bow to Iranian demands. Drafting IAEA resolutions condemning atomic involvement will have little impact once Iranians possess a nuclear device. “The draft resolution is unacceptable unless changes are made so that it can be acceptable to all parties,” said Kharrazi, putting the IAEA chief Mohamed ElBaradei on notice that Iran has no intention of curtailing its nuclear program. As the U.S. found in Iraq, U.N. resolutions or sanctions have little practical value unless backed by credible threats of force. Now mired in Iraq, the U.S. can only sit idly by and watch Iran builds the next Islamic bomb.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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