by John M. Curtis
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Copyright May 23, 2001
All Rights Reserved.

ed up with Bush’s “compassionate conservatism,” Sen. James M. Jeffords (R-Ver.) delivered bad news to the White House and GOP. Tipping the balance of power in the U.S. Senate to the Democrats, Jeffords swatted President Bush in the kisser, severed his 24-year tenure in the Republican Party, pulled the rug out from underneath Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss.), and handed the reins to Sen. Tom Daschle (D-S.D.). Unable to stop Jeffords from jumping ship, the administration offered few concessions to the independently minded Vermont senator. “The president clearly hopes that Sen. Jeffords will remain a Republican,” said White House press secretary Ari Fleischer, showing the kind of fantasyland that left moderate Republicans out in the lurch. Characterizing Bush and Cheney’s meeting with Jeffords, “It was a discussion that was based on no offers,” said Fleischer, ironically symbolizing the White House’s attitude toward anyone unwilling to swallow its party line.

       Sold a bill of goods, moderates within the GOP find themselves in unfriendly territory. “You know what [the White House] did?” asked an unnamed GOP aid, “Nothing.” “That’s the problem. They never reached out to moderates. They never reached out to centrists . . .” reminding free thinkers—like Jeffords—that it’s either Bush’s way or the highway. “The president’s focus is on merits, is on policy,” remarked Fleischer, “It’s on the power of ideas,” demonstrating that partisan zealotry and ideology replaced a healthy bipartisan give-and-take. Let’s face it, Bush’s first official act was to ban aid to foreign health centers offering abortion counseling—yes, throwing his right wing a bone. Elected by the slimmest of margins, Bush didn’t miss a beat ushering in his ultraconservative agenda. Commenting about Jeffords’ defection, “A lot of the responsibility goes to Nick, Karl and Andy,” said a GOP insider, referring to Bush’s ideologically pure kitchen cabinet, congressional liaison Nick Calio, senior advisor Karl Rove and chief of staff Andy Card. “It shows the lack of governing sophistication at the senior levels of the White House,” suggesting that the Bush team went too far.

       Remaining true to form, “Nobody played hardball,” said Fleischer, denying reports that Jeffords was targeted—with other moderate Republicans—by the White House for not going with the program. “We need a president governed by principles not polls,” Bush said frequently on the stump, taking shots at Clinton for relying too heavily on polls to set White House policy. While it’s easy to rail against polls, it’s also easy to forget that eccentric ideology only goes so far in dealing with the masses. Polls keep politicians from going off on tangents under pressure from special interests. Moderates, like Jeffords, aren’t preoccupied with banning abortion or promoting school vouchers: They’re concerned with mainstream issues like education, the economy and better health care. Pushing faith based charities and costly missile defense doesn’t address the needs of mainstream Americans looking to make ends meet.

       Blaming Jeffords’ defection on a snubbing from the White House fails to account for the fact that many moderate Republicans feel out of touch with the administration. “It’s real easy to feel like an outsider,” said former Sen. David Durenberger (R-Minn.), a centrist who felt betrayed by the seductive rhetoric of “compassionate conservatism.” “The party establishment . . . has to understand it is nonproductive for them to threaten retaliation on people who don’t vote their way,” said Sen John McCain (R-Ariz.), Bush’s nemesis during the campaign and sponsor of campaign finance reform in disfavor with the White House. Creating an inhospitable environment for moderates, the White House ignored “third way” Democrats’ and Republicans’ calls for truly bipartisan reform. Behind Jeffords’ surprise move isn’t a crack in the two-party system, but an overly zealous Republican party euphoric about seizing the White House and hell-bent on pushing a new conservative policy. Unlike Reagan, Bush neither has the right circumstances nor patriarchal charm and mandate to pull off a right wing agenda.

       Losing the Senate, conservatives no longer have the same clout to impose their agenda on the House and dominate moderate Republicans. “Perhaps those self-appointed enforcers of party loyalty will learn to respect the differences among us,” swiped McCain, referring to the strong-arm tactics employed by former Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott to push the White House’s agenda. Lott became the Senate’s version of Newt Gingrich, fighting former President Clinton tooth and nail on key legislation—even before the Lewinsky sex scandal and impeachment. Jeffords’ defection dramatically alters the power dynamics, with liberal Senators likely to take key leadership positions. Stalwarts Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, (D-Mass.), Patrick J. Leahy (D-Ver.), and Joseph Biden (D-Del.) are now expected to chair the powerful Health and Education, Judiciary and Foreign Relation committees. These changes are “about controlling the legislative agenda,” said Sen. Robert Torricelli (D-N.J.), upending White House plans to implement its conservative plans. “It brings his [Bush’s] agenda to a complete halt,” remarked Sen. Robert F. Bennett (R-Utah), perhaps overstating the obvious monkey wrench now mucking up the works.

       Pendulums have a funny way of swinging both ways. While Democrats are licking their chops today, they may have long faces tomorrow if they don’t meet the White House halfway. Partisanship is Washington’s way of life—not Main Street’s where hard working taxpayers are trying to pay their bills. Jeffords’ defection represents a reality check for White House policy wonks trying to resuscitate Reaganism when moderation rules the day. Without looking too morose, the administration needs to suck it up, heed the wake-up call and begin retooling their legislative agenda back to the center. “Tolerance of dissent is the hallmark of a mature party, and it is well past the time for the Republican Party to grow up,” said McCain, hoping that the change would benefit both sides of the aisle. Finding a silver lining, both parties stand to gain from greater balance and more compromise. With the White House domestic agenda now up in the air, there’s plenty of hay to be made in foreign policy. Seizing the moment, Bush now has the unequivocal mandate to become the bipartisan consensus builder he promised in the campaign.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for the Los Angeles Daily Journal. He’s director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in political consulting and strategic public relations. He’s the author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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