by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright May 14, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

laying good cop-bad cop, former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu gives Prime Minister Ariel Sharon extra clout at the future peace table. Delivering a blistering speech to frenzied delegates at a urgent meeting of Israel's conservative Likud Party, Netanyahu rejected the two-state solution, pushed by the White House, Saudi Arabia, and recently accepted by hawkish Sharon. In a stunning departure from prevailing wisdom, Netanyahu made it clear that Israel will not deal with the current Palestinian Authority. "No Palestinian state will be created west of the Jordan [River]," read the declaration, telling Sharon that his own party expects to call the shots. By maneuvering right of Sharon, Netanyahu reminds the 72-year-old Prime Minister that he's nipping at his heels. "I will continue to lead the state of Israel and people of Israel according to the same ideas that led me always: security for the state of Israel and its citizens and our desire for real peace," said Sharon, disappointed over his party's rebuke, but suddenly cast into the role of Mr. Nice Guy.

      Sharon long resisted the idea of a Palestinian state, despite acquiescing to President Bush's public support for the two-state solution. Bush's remarks were intended to offer a big carrot to hopeless Palestinians, urging them to abandon terror and work toward peace. When Arafat endorsed suicide bombings as a "legitimate" form of resistance, he complicated a two-state plan. During Israel's incursion into the West Bank, the army uncovered massive caches of weapons, prohibited under the 1993 Oslo Accords. Israeli intelligence also found powerful evidence linking the Palestinian Authority to terrorism—including Arafat's signature on invoices for bomb-making expenses. When Israel left Lebanon in May 2000, Arafat promptly rejected Clinton's peace deal and launched his armed revolt in Sept. 2000. Watching Hezbollah drive Israel out of Lebanon, Arafat badly miscalculated that armed struggle would win political concessions. By rejecting a Palestinian state, Likud puts Arafat on notice that terror doesn't pay.

      Discarding a two-state solution, Netanyahu cleverly turns Sharon into peacemaker, restraining Likud's extreme right wing. That's the same strategy used by Arafat to encourage Israel to accept his authority—rather than deal with extremists like Hamas, Islamic Jihad or Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigades. "In the midst of a terror campaign run by [Palestinian Authority President Yasser] Arafat," said Netanyahu. Likud members "don't want to envision a terrorist state which would threaten the destruction of Israel." Arafat's latest rebellion—with its endless suicide bombings—shattered hopes of Palestinian statehood, at least for now. While Sharon appears at odds with Netanyahu, it's more likely that Sunday's theatrics was a well-choreographed publicity stunt to offset mounting international pressure. Playing good cop takes the heat off Sharon to enter urgent peace talks—especially when linked to terrorist acts. Following the Bush Doctrine, conservatives in Congress also look for management changes in the Palestinian Authority. Though Bush publicly accepts the idea of statehood, he doesn't trust Arafat to pull it off.

      Within hours after Arafat left his besieged compound in Ramallah, another suicide bomber decimated a pool hall north of Tel Aviv, just as Bush and Sharon talked peace at the White House. More terror reminds Bush that Arafat isn't on the same page. While Netanyahu talks exile, Sharon went against his instincts and turned Arafat loose. Ending the siege at Ramallah and Bethlehem were supposed to offer an olive branch, not incite more bloodshed. After the latest bombing, Sharon mobilized the military for a possible assault on Hamas in Gaza. But with moderate Arab states talking peace, Sharon suspended Gaza operations, realizing that the costs outweighed the benefits. While Netanyahu calls for expelling Arafat, Sharon presses for his retirement, essentially moving forward without him. If nothing else, Sharon and Netanyahu agree they can't make peace with Arafat. "Sovereign rule: yes. State: no," said Netanyahu during a recent trip to the U.S., urging Sharon to exile Arafat. Sharon acceded to U.S. pressure for Israel to end its West Bank campaign—and let Arafat go.

      Squabbling over who's the toughest rooster won't dilute Israel's resolve to find a responsible peace partner. Threats from "the Arab street" also won't coerce Israel into making political concessions, especially about Palestinian statehood. With Arafat violating the Oslo accords and returning to guerrilla war since Sept. 2000, he can't be trusted to sign peace deals. Not since statehood in 1948, has Israel been more shaken, stiffening the resolve of old-timers whose survival instincts put egos aside for the good of the country. While bickering makes good headlines, Sharon and Netanyahu agree they can't negotiate with an entity seeking concessions from suicide bombings. West Bank operations proved that refugee camps were methodically armed staging grounds for a well-planned guerrilla war designed to dismantle Israeli sovereignty. While Arafat wants to turn back the clock, Israelis can't ignore egregious violations of the Oslo Accords, proving that peace can't be signed under his watch.

      As Arafat makes the rounds inside the West Bank, some Palestinians are questioning his tactics. With parts of the West Bank now rubble, it's helpful to reassess the benefits of launching a guerrilla war against Israel. When Arafat signed on to Oslo, he accepted a peaceful process by which to resolve future disputes. Arming militias, using refugee camps as staging grounds for a guerrilla war, and glorifying suicide bombing as "legitimate" resistance doesn't invite the trust needed to sign lasting peace deals. "Peace is the highest aspiration of the American people: We will negotiate for it. We will sacrifice for it. We will not surrender for it—now or ever," said Ronald Reagan in his first inaugural address, reminding citizens about the high price paid for freedom. Israel can't be expected to sign an armistice based on Palestinian promises to end suicide bombings. Before peace has a prayer, Palestinians must find leaders that aren't addicted to age-old hatreds. With Israel's survival on the line, Netanyahu reminds Sharon that all eyes are watching.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for the Los Angeles Daily Journal. He's director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in corporate consulting and strategic communication. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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