by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright May 9, 2000
All Rights Reserved.

eralding a new era of 'democracy,' Vladimir V. Putin took the torch from his chronically ill predecessor, President Boris Yeltsin, whose regime dismantled the Berlin Wall, handing the bricks and mortar to its powerful oligarchs—the feudal lords once purged from power during the Bolshevik Revolution and now controlling the Kremlin. "For the first time in the history of our state—in the whole of Russian history—the supreme authority is transferred in the most democratic way, in the most simple way, according to the will of the people, lawfully and peacefully," said Putin to a watchful Western media hanging on every word. Inside the gilded Kremlin hall, once the throne room to the czars, Putin placed his hand on the secular Russian constitution, proving that he truly doesn’t answer to a higher authority. Like many of his comrades in the KGB, sculpting reality is a way of life.

       Learning his propaganda lessons well from the inverted Communist world, Putin showed masterful command over his hypnotic rhetoric. "We can be proud that this is taking place peacefully, respectfully, and with dignity," proclaimed the patriotic Putin. Inducing reverse-peristalsis in those not mesmerized by his misleading words, the ex-KGB spy claimed: "This is possible only in a free country, which has stopped fearing not only others but itself too, have freed its own citizens and given them liberty," dismissing the pre-digested election whose outcome was cast in stone. Forgetting that he was hand- picked by Yeltsin, whose total control of the airwaves virtually locked the election, Putin milked the democracy buzzword for all it’s worth. Far from 'democratic,' Putin’s election was a fine example of politics Soviet-style. Ironically, just ask Communist Party leader, Gennady A. Zyuganov and 9 other candidates, whose campaigns literally fell on deaf ears, about their real chances.

       Haunted by Europe’s past, Putin pledged to revive the Fatherland, reminding a watching world that nationalistic yearnings still burn in the post-Communist land whose population remains dispirited and whose economy remains in shambles. Unable to feed its own population or restrain its breakaway provinces, Putin exploited Russia’s brutal war in Chechnya to heroic dimensions. Creating a clever diversionary tactic, the Chechen campaign justified Russia’s deteriorated economy and widespread scarcity. Like the good old days, whipping up nationalistic fervor—showing off nuclear arsenals at May Day parades—would have made Kruschev proud. "Yeltsin’s presidential staff had to begin this war, which became a powerful instrument of the campaign which helped brainwash the public," commented Andrei A. Piontkovsky, director of the Moscow-based Independent Institute for Strategic Studies. Credit Yeltsin with that kind of openness.

       Though not much is really known about Putin, his KGB past speaks volumes about his use of psychological warfare to achieve political objectives. Receiving his law degree in 1975 from Leningrad State University, Putin was immediately recruited by the KGB. Mastering martial arts, propaganda and survivalist tactics, he served as a spy in East Germany, until the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Returning to St. Petersberg to serve as chief of security, he was ousted after an unsuccessful coup in 1991 by Communist hardliners trying to displace then President Mikhail Gorbachev. Putin relocated to the Kremlin in 1996 to head the reinvented KGB, now known as the FSB, where he served to protect President Boris Yeltsin’s tenuous grip on political power. Hand picked and then rewarded by Yeltsin, Putin became acting president granting, in his first official duty, Yeltsin immunity from prosecution following his resignation.

       Lobbying the Kremlin to pass the long-frozen Salt II nuclear weapons reduction treaty and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, Putin now plans to summit with President Clinton in late May. A shrewd negotiator, Putin’s already posturing to have America scrap the anti-ballistic missile defense system known as 'Star Wars,' threatening—if he doesn’t get his way—to start another nuclear arms race. With the Russian economy already in chaos, diverting all available resources to defense spending seems pointless. But let’s not forget—for one second—how familiar Russians are with brainwashing. Bombarded with slogans and forced to ration, no one’s better at sucking it up than Russians. They’re programmed to do with less vodka and chocolate. Only a small fraction of the population are currently wired to the internet and know any better.

       Seeking unilateral disarmament from the West has always been Russia’s grand plan. Exporting nuclear technology and materiel to the third world, Russia appears to share our 'democratic' values but operates under a different set of rules. Discredited as Cold War rhetoric, savvy Russian experts—both inside and outside the country—attest to Russia’s long-range strategic plans. Dismantling the Berlin Wall and talking the talk can’t erase Russia’s undeniable totalitarian past. With the U.S. Senate already rejecting the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, President Clinton will have a tough road to hoe convincing a reluctant Congress that they should hand him his legacy—a major arms control agreement. Traveling to Russia no doubt makes great headlines and photo ops, but whether it results in anything other than window dressing remains to be seen.

       Trained to interact with the West, KGB operatives know how to talk the talk. Putin’s saying all the right things to the Western press. Preying on the West’s fears, he knows what buttons to push to orchestrate American public opinion. Awakening the peace-niks, Putin’s whipped up considerable nuclear anxiety, lobbying to pressure Congress into accepting Russia’s brand of arms control. Despite his Western appearance, Putin’s KGB roots run deep, leaving him a clever propagandist capable of selling ice to Eskimos. Heading to Moscow, Clinton is vulnerable to his need for creating a lasting legacy. Throwing caution to the wind would only exacerbate national security by tying America’s hands for future defensive options, including leaving open available nuclear strategies. While we’d all like to cheer Clinton on, letting the KGB-trained Putin dictate national security would be the wrong move with the best of intentions. Expect all the bells and whistles, but don’t hold your breath this time around.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for The Los Angeles Daily Journal. He’s director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in human behavior, health care, political research and media consultation. He’s the author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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