by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright April 30, 2003
All Rights Reserved.

lacing a steady foot on a long and windy path, newly minted 68-year-old Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas [AKA Abu Mazen], took the ceremonial baton from discredited Palestinian Authority leader Yasser Arafat. Shunned by the Bush administration and reluctant to surrender 44-years of power, Arafat finally loosened his grip under relentless U.S. pressure. When Arafat returned to violence in Sept. 2000 after President Clinton's final attempt to seal a last minute peace deal, the White House went outside the box cutting Arafat out of the loop. Going against conventional wisdom, Bush put his foot down, refusing to do business as usual. Had Clinton seen the bigger picture and pushed for new leadership, Palestinians might have already achieved their dream of statehood. Bush quickly recognized that his State Department could no longer deal with Arafat.

      When the Arab world tried to destroy Israel in 1967, little did anyone know that its spoils would wind up in Palestinian hands. Before 1967, Palestinians occupied Eyptian, Jordanian and Syrian lands. None of those countries had any intention of ceding territory to Palestinians. Only after Israel expanded its territory to include Egypt's Gaza Strip, Jordan's West Bank and Syria's Golan Heights, did Palestinians talk about "occupation." In reality, Israel occupied Epyptian, Jordanian and Syrian land, not, as the current spin goes, Palestinian territory. Only after the 1993 Oslo Accords, did Palestinians consider possible borders of a future Palestinian state, based on the concept of trading peace for land. But history clearly shows that Palestinians had no territorial sovereignty over the so-called "occupied territories." Arafat always claimed the British Mandate of "Palestine" as Palestinian territory.

      In his first address, Abbas broke with tradition, telling Palestinian lawmakers that the time had come to end "armed chaos" and "translate decades and generations of popular and revolutionary struggles into political achievements." Viewed as a puppet by terrorist groups, Abbas got his first wakeup call when Hamas and Tazim claimed responsibility for yet another suicide bombing at a popular pub in Tel Aviv, killing three and injuring 45 Israelis, only hours after his 45-minute speech. Reining in radical groups will be a serious challenge for Abbas, as he tries to keep his people on the "road map" just recently released by the State Department. "I repeat," said Abbas, "there is no military solution to our conflict," warning Palestinian militants that he intends to disarm violent militias responsible for over 700 Israeli deaths since Sept. 2000. Arafat's "intifada," caused more than 2000 Palestinian deaths, leaving his people in chaos.

      Not only must Abbas contend with terrorists, he must deal with old thinking inside his own Cabinet, whose personal picks were compromised by Arafat's yoke. Abbas "needs to show the Palestinians that [his program] will end occupation, not declare surrender," said Nabil Shaath, the newly appointed foreign minister, still mirroring the same old thinking. Even Abbas himself sees the Palestinian struggle in the context of Israeli occupation and oppression. "The root of our suffering and source of our pain is the occupation and detestable oppressive policies. We commit to ending the occupation in all its shapes and forms . . ." said Abbas, perpetuating the same rhetoric leading to suicide bombing and armed struggle. Abbas must level with rank-and-file Palestinians that corruption, mismanagement, and yes, blatant support of terrorism, has caused more setbacks than Israeli "occupation." Rooting out corruption and truly remaking the Palestinian Authority is also necessary to statehood.

      Abbas' real challenge comes from purging the Palestinian Authority of Arafat's continued influence. As long as Arafat calls the shots and controls the purse strings, Abbas won't be able to root out corruption and get Palestinians to follow the "road map." Renouncing violence goes a long way in giving Abbas credibility, especially to the U.S. All new funds entering the Palestinian Authority must be independently audited and out of Arafat's reach. "We denounce terrorism by any party and in all its shapes and forms . . . because we are convinced that such methods do not lend support to a just cause like ours rather than destroy it. These methods do not achieve peace, to which we aspire," said Abbas, making the kind of unqualified declaration needed to gain White House support. Isolated terrorist attacks won't derail the peace process, as long as Abbas equips his dapper and controversial security minister Mohammed Dahlan to do his job.

      Still pulling the strings, Arafat must accept his largely ceremonial role and get out of the way. As long as he and his cronies retain power in Abbas" Cabinet, progress will be slow and uncertain. "Abu Mazen and his government will be judged by their actions," said Israeli Foreign Minister Silvan Shalom, calling Abbas' speech "a good start." No one expects perfection—certainly not Israelis. But Abbas' words set the right tone, after years of bloodshed. "If Abu Mazen implements a policy of fighting terrorism on the ground, he will find in Israel a true partner for peace," said Shalom, showing how good intentions compensate for years of bad faith. To move the process along, the White House must insist on tight internal controls for the Palestinian Authority. Abbas must have the authority to root out deeply imbedded corruption and appoint responsible lawmakers who share his vision.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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