by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright April 23, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

hocking France's political establishment, 73-year old populist candidate Jean-Marie Le Pen, scored an unexpected upset over Socialist Prime Minister Lionel Jospin in the April 21 primary—though only by a measly 1%. Experts don't give Le Pen much hope when he meets French President Jacques Chirac on May 5, considering Jospin's liberal supporters will likely vote for Chirac. Known for his fiery oratory, Le Pen embodies French nationalism, fed up with socialism, cultural dislocations and rising crime. "I think it's a great defeat for the two leaders of the establishment," said Le Pen, referring to Chirac and Jospin. Popular in small towns, Le Pen frequently rails against immigration, cultural decay and bureaucratic incompetence—the same themes used by Reform Party candidate Patrick J. Buchanan. Though Buchanan got less than 1% of the 2000 vote, his isolationist views resonate since Sept. 11. "Don't be afraid to dream, you little people, the excluded, don't be infected by the told divisions of left and right," said Le Pen, widening his appeal to voters fed up with the status quo.

      Le Pen frightens the European left, still grappling with fascism that swept across the continent in the 1930s, culminating in Hitler's Third Reich, steamrolling France in 1940. "You the miners, the metalworkers, the workers of all the industries ruined by Euro-globalization . . . Those who are the first victims of crime in the cities and villages . . . know that I will be there at the side of all who suffer," said Le Pen, addressing—like Buchanan—dwindling numbers of disenfranchised workers, whose factory jobs have long since moved overseas. Today's Europe—like the U.S.—no longer pines for the days when old world craftsman made every widget. Northern African immigration has been occurring since France colonized parts of Northern Africa, Middle East and South East Asia in the 19th century. While France have cultural ties to its former colonies, they have little taste for the menial labor performed by newcomers. Globalization—namely, moving manufacturing to slave markets in Asia—doesn't rob French citizens of meaningful jobs, it assures a bourgeois lifestyle.

      Le Pen's popularity is sometimes compared to Hitler's rise to power during the '30s, paralleling Germany's dire straits and phenomenal success of his book Mein Kampf. By the mid-'30s, Hitler—through his publishing house Franz Eher Verlag—sold more copies than the bible, making him one of Germany's richest men, financing his rise to power. Le Pen has no such luck—or following. He's been preaching his right wing gospel for more than 40 years, and only now breaks through against Jospin, an unappealing, politically inept socialist. Calling his defeat a career-ending "thunderbolt," Jospin announced his retirement from politics. "Seeing the extreme right represent more than 20% of the votes in our nation and their principal candidate confront the right-wing candidate in the second round is a very worrisome sign for France and our democracy," said Jospin, over-reacting to his loss. Unlike Jospin, Le Pen is a gifted orator, galvanizing audiences across the political divide—despite his occasionally abrasive remarks. Pushing an anti-bureaucracy message, Le Pen doesn't threaten France's democracy, he enriches it by bucking prevailing political trends.

      With crime rising 8% in 2001, Chirac and Le Pen blasted Jospin for his weak stand on law and order, culminating in the horrific massacre of eight city council members in a Paris suburb. Like Buchanan, Le Pen rails against uncontrolled immigration—especially about North Africans whose problems integrating into French society have spawned violence and dangerous ghettos. Since 9/11, France attempted to clamp down on Islamic extremists, responsible for terror and anti-Semitic acts. Like the U.S., unemployment, poverty and despair are found among minorities confined to housing projects and trapped within the inner city. Jospin offered little hope to ordinary citizens losing control of their neighborhoods to a radical fringe. Tough-talking Le Pen frightens the left but offers a soothing bromide to voters concerned about taking back the streets. Le Pen's detractors frequently cite his incendiary rhetoric, minimizing the holocaust and making crude remarks about minorities. For all his faults, Le Pen voices legitimate opposition to multiculturalism, a trend wreaking havoc on many Western states, no longer requiring immigrants to blend in to the host culture.

      Bucking popular trends, Le Pen opposes France's participation in the European Union, International Monetary Fund, and seeks to restore the franc. Nationalism resonates with French voters, just as it did when Ronald Reagan built a political career around patriotic themes. Jospin and Chirac can't blame Le Pen for striking a cord with disgruntled voters, tired of shopworn socialist ideals unknown to the street. When Le Pen founded the National Front in 1972, few people took him seriously, except residents of small towns in Southeastern France. Delivering a relentless voice, Le Pen became a rallying cry for preserving French culture. Like Ross Perot, Le Pen typically gets about 15% of the vote, playing spoiler but falling way short of winning national elections. With a shrinking constituency, Le Pen's party lost ground, barely collecting enough signatures to get on the ballot. While he's basking in the limelight defeating Jospin, he's still a long shot. Fascism hasn't reclaimed France: a familiar old voice returned to warn City Hall against too much complacency.

      Jean-Marie Le Pen doesn't threaten France's democracy: He strengthens it by introducing issues not currently part of the national debate. Though discounted by the left, Le Pen addresses immigration, jobs and crime, especially as they relate to a rising tide of Islamic extremism. "The moment of choice is before you," said Chirac. "It is about the future of France, that diverse, humane, warm France that we love . . . I hope that in the coming days, each of us proves our responsibility, tolerance and respect," painting Le Pen as a xenophobic right wing fanatic. Chirac's words pander to minorities now faced with only conservative options. But unlike Chirac, Le Pen reminds disgruntled voters that France is getting swept away in the debris of multiculturalism. Immigration, diversity and tolerance have nothing to do with refusing to assimilate. Like Buchanan, Le Pen wants immigrants to repay hospitality with an abiding appreciation and commitment to the host culture. Without assimilation—whether in the U.S. or across the Atlantic—Le Pen recognizes that it's difficult to find paradise.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for the Los Angeles Daily Journal. He's director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in political consulting and strategic communication. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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