by John M. Curtis
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Copyright April 16, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

everishly trying to broker a cease-fire, Secretary of State Colin L. Powell stumbled on a curious but damaging admission from the besieged leader of the Palestinian Authority. After spending three hours hashing over terms for a cease-fire, Arafat acknowledged that there would be no end to suicide bombing unless Israel withdrew completely from the occupied territories. Up until his April 14 meeting with Powell, Arafat denied that the PA had anything to do with suicide bombing, blaming attacks on desperate refugees connected with radical groups. Even last week, PA spokesman Saeb Erekat insisted that Israel destroyed the PA's ability to rein in radicals, creating an unprecedented wave of terror. But with Powell's most recent contact, he learned that Arafat uses suicide bombing as a means of exacting political concessions. Arafat's admission puts Powell's mission at odds with "The Bush Doctrine," refusing to negotiate with terrorists. Linking a cease-fire with political dialogue violates "The Bush Doctrine," rewards terrorism and encourages more suicide bombing.

      Though Powell called his talks with Arafat a "useful and constructive exchange," headway cannot be made until Arafat categorically renounces terror—telling his people that suicide bombing jeopardizes a Palestinian state. "We've always said that Chairman Arafat has authority, has leadership, he has the stature within his community, within the Arab world [and] he needs to speak clearly about how this violence harms the Palestinian cause," said Powell, acknowledging that Arafat has the ability to order an end to suicide bombings. Israel has long maintained that Arafat encourages, supports and even finances suicide bombings. Recently found documents by Israeli Defense Forces in Ramallah—though disputed by Palestinians—prove that Arafat, in fact, reimburses radical groups for bomb-making expenses. Now that Israel arrested Fatah's leader Marwan Barghouti, who also headed the deadly Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigade, suicide bombings might curtail. "Once the Israelis complete their withdrawal, we will, as Palestinians, carry out our obligations," said Erekat, officially acknowledging that the PA has no intention of giving up suicide bombing without certain conditions.

      Pointing to the tragic destruction of refugee camps, Palestinians condemn Israel's "wanton" aggression—even alleging massacres and genocide. Now that neutral observers can't confirm Palestinian claims, it's good to recall what brought about Israel's West Bank operation. Unremitting suicide bombings inside Israel prompted Sharon to finally take preemptive action. Abandoning Oslo and launching his uprising in Sept. 2000, Arafat quietly began the most deadly guer rilla war in Israel's 54-year history. At the time, Arafat blamed Sharon for visiting Temple Mount. In reality, Arafat couldn't get everything at Camp David, though President Clinton and then-Prime Minister Ehud Barak bent over backwards. Instead of going back to the table, Arafat went for bullets and C-4 explosives. For more that 18 months, suicide bombing escalated until Sharon had no other option than fighting back. Sure, Palestinians had legitimate gripes, but Arafat unilaterally embarked on his own suicide mission, wreaking untold misery on poor Palestinians. Sifting through the rubble of war-ravaged West Bank, Palestinians must now blame Arafat.

      While Arafat's good at playing the martyr, he and his henchmen—like the captured Marwan Barghouti—prefer to harvest innocent children for service as human bombs. Where's the global outrage watching children used as cannon fodder and justified as a legitimate means of "resistance?" No, Arafat and his key lieutenants don't volunteer for active duty as suicide bombers. Nor do psychopathic killers like Bin Laden who prefers to hide in caves and brainwash disenfranchised souls to commit suicide in the name of Islam. Arafat also can't hide behind Al Aqsa or Palestine liberation to justify suicide bombing. Since Bin Laden's madness struck on Sept. 11, Americans can't accept mass murder to make political statements. Americans still recall Palestinians dancing in the streets after the Twin Towers went down. Arafat hasn't yet got it. Powell is making his best effort to tell him that "The Bush Doctrine" will not permit terrorism—no matter how he defines it—to exact political concessions. No matter how much Palestinians plead their case, there can be no compromise when it comes to suicide bombing.

      Receiving a Nobel Peace Prize in 1993, it's difficult to figure out why Arafat went astray. Some speculate that after years of mismanagement and plundering, Arafat had no choice other than Orwellian misdirection to salvage his flagging credibility. But whatever the reasons, his stewardship has left Palestinians in shambles. Only Arafat and a select few can afford wives in Paris and globetrotting. Now that he's vanquished his people, it's time to return to reality and go back to the bargaining table. More incitement and violence won't lead to a Palestinian state. When Powell meets Arafat again, he'll once again have to remind him that suicide bombing must be stopped without conditions. Backed into a corner, Arafat no longer has the luxury to pretend he's calling the shots. Powell can't save him unless he categorically condemns and stops suicide bombing. When Powell delivers his final message, Arafat must regain his grip on reality and accept the Tenet plan for an immediate and unconditional cease-fire. It's time to quit the violence, stop quibbling about saving face and act like a Nobel laureate.

      Returning to Ramallah, Powell must deliver an unequivocal message to Arafat: Stop suicide bombing or go it alone. Empty condemnations or cleverly worded statements won't satisfy Israelis or U.S. diplomats commissioned with the labor-intensive job of working out a peace deal. With so many past betrayals—including the Oslo Accords—it may be too late to salvage Arafat's credibility as a legitimate peace partner. Floating a trial balloon, Powell is toying with the idea of convening an international peace conference without Arafat. Before the White House throws its weight behind a major peace effort, it must be convinced that Arafat's the right man. Clinton found out that peace deals involve more than photo-ops and lip service. Bush realizes—more than ever—that he must have two trustworthy partners to pull off a deal. If Arafat can't meet the most basic condition, then it's time to look elsewhere. Everyone wants peace, but the U.S. can't afford to get its chain yanked one more time. Powell must deliver his message and let Arafat decide.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for the Los Angeles Daily Journal. He's director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in political consulting and strategic communication. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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