U.N. vs. U.S.

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright April 12, 2003
All Rights Reserved.

ooking for a piece of the action, Russia, France and Germany met in St. Petersburg to plot U.N. strategy in the wake of the U.S. victory in Iraq. Bitterly opposed to the U.S. invasion of Iraq, the three like-minded countries now want the U.N. to play a major role in rebuilding Iraq, hoping to reclaim some of Saddam's unpaid debt, estimated at over $12 billion. "The situation we are confronting in Iraq must be resolved as quickly as possible in accordance with the U.N. Charter," said Russian President Vladimir V. Putin at a joint news conference with French Prime Minister Jacques Chirac and German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, worried coalition forces are parked in Iraq for the long haul. Currently at stake are countless billions in lucrative contracts potentially monopolized by the U.S. and Britain. Once again, a few disgruntled members the Security Council want to exploit the U.N. for purely selfish purposes.

      Before toppling Saddam, the White House was reluctant to divulge its long-term plan of stabilizing the Middle East—including settling the Israeli-Palestinian question—by strategically placing assets in Iraq. With Iran's current Ayatollah feverishly pursuing an A-bomb, the U.S. needed another key ally to neutralize gathering dangers. Though the President tried to explain his Iraq policy in the context of his war on terrorism, excuses for military force didn't fly with the international community. "The faster we go along the path set down by international law, the better we will be. The longer we delay a resolution with the U.N. framework, the more it will look like a colonial situation," said Putin, fearing the U.S. was laying down roots in Iraq. Putin opposed U.S. intervention not because it violates U.N. rules but because it expands U.S. supremacy in the region and around the world.

      While Putin, Chirac and Schroeder want the U.N. to direct Iraq's rebuilding efforts, the White House has a different idea, relegating the U.N. to humanitarian relief. "A vital role for the U.N. means food, that means medicine, that means aid, that means a place where people can give their contributions, that means suggesting people for an interim Iraqi governing body," said Bush, signaling he has no intention of turning over Iraq's sovereignty to the U.N. Like in Afghanistan, the U.S. wants to allocate strategic assets in Iraq to offset growing threats from Iran and Syria. Though Syria sits on the U.N. Security Council, it's suspected of aiding, abetting, harboring and funding a host of terrorist groups, including recently supplying Saddam with Russian-made night vision goggles and high-tech jamming equipment. More than ever, the U.N. pits itself against U.S. efforts to fight terrorism and make the world a safer place.

      Recent comments by U.N. chief weapons inspector Hans Blix attribute evil motives to U.S. efforts to disarm Iraq. Blix went out on a limb to the Spanish press accusing the U.S. of undermining inspections by plotting a war while his agency performed its work. Blix and the U.N. never understood White House moves in light of Sept. 11 and its ongoing war on terrorism. When Blix couldn't find weapons of mass destruction, Bush wouldn't delegate U.S. national security to the U.N. With no slight on Blix, the White House believed Saddam was better at hiding WMD than the U.N. at finding them. Now Russia, France and Germany want to internationalize Iraq's political and infrastructure rebuilding, totally ignoring U.S. national security interests. But what's really at stake is the U.N's effort to contain U.S. power by opposing Bush's plan to leave Iraq's reconstruction in coalition hands.

      Watching looting and anarchy in Iraq, the world finally sees Iraqis' true feelings toward Saddam Hussein. Despite its recognized brutality, the U.N. turned a blind eye to egregious human rights abuses. With CNN admitting it withheld valuable information regarding Saddam's atrocities, the world witnessed firsthand Saddam's sadistic repression. Saddam's regime "does not correspond to the present-day requirements and ideas of humans rights and democracy," said Putin, reluctantly saying good riddance to the dictator. "The removal of the regime is probably a plus," admitting that Saddam was bad news for Iraq and the region. Without joining the coalition, Russia, France and Germany reluctantly face the music that U.S. and British companies will share spoils of war. No attempt by the U.N. to disparage the U.S. will discourage the White House from staying the course and keeping its spoils.

      Witnessing a slow but steady tectonic shift, the landscape of Western Europe is undergoing the most profound realignment since the end of World War II. With the advent of the Euro, the European Union now directly competes with the United States, both economically and politically. Aligning with the EU, Putin finds receptive partners in Europe's bid to challenge the U.S. for world supremacy. Accomplishing this task, France, Russia and Germany have hijacked the Security Council to oppose and counter U.S. global influence. Though fiercely competitive, Europe's new East-West alliance failed to deter the U.S. from securing the most significant acquisition since the Louisiana Purchase. Liberating Iraq, with its oil fields at Kirkuk and Basrah, satisfies the U.S.'s insatiable appetite for Midestern oil, cutting the precarious dependency on Saudi Arabia. While the U.N. wants the U.S. out of Iraq, the U.S. won't oblige anytime soon.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.


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