No More Human Bombs

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright April 10, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

ricked by a teenage suicide bomber, 13 Israeli soldiers were ambushed in the West Bank refugee camp Jenin when explosions and sniper fire engulfed their convoy. Survivors reported that a preadolescent boy ran from Israeli soldiers, led them into a blind alley and then ignited his suicide belt, triggering explosions and a well-planned rooftop sniper attack. Israeli forces were in the process of combing the Jenin camp for terrorists and war materiel, including caches of weapons and bomb-making factories. As with incursions into other Palestinian areas, the Israeli army found the "civilian" population armed to the teeth, replete with guerilla war-making machinery. Searching refugee camps confirmed Israel's worst nightmare: the civilian population was thoroughly equipped to fight a sustained guerilla war. Exploded were the 1993 Oslo Accords and the myth that refugee camps were poverty-stricken breeding grounds for desperate suicide bombers. No, the camps turned out to be well-organized guerilla bases—including human suicide bomb factories.

      When Arafat began his intifada [revolt] in Sept. 2000, he turned a dangerous corner, abrogating the Oslo Accords, requiring the Palestinian Authority to establish a well-armed police force to keep the peace. Instead of containing radical groups, Arafat armed them to fight a guerrilla war when he couldn't get his way at Camp David. Arafat gave the green light to radical groups—including a new branch of Fatah called the Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade— to convert children into human hand grenades. Since the Israeli sweeps, the army now possesses concrete evidence that Arafat routinely reimburses radical groups for terror expenses. Palestinians deny the charges, just as they did when Israel seized their boat off Gaza filled with arms from Iran. New facts on the ground complicate Secretary of State Colin A. Powell's peace mission. Though the White House wants Israel to withdraw "immediately," Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon can't pull the plug on "Operation Defensive Shield" just yet.

      Just as Powell left Egypt, another suicide bus bombing claimed 10 lives in the Mediterranean port city of Haifa. "This is a war of aggression against Palestinians, all our villages and towns are under siege, under closure. And then comes the attack in Haifa," said Palestinian Authority spokesman Saeb Erekat, warning that Israel's military can't stop suicide bombings. "The Israeli public [must] understand that security for them cannot come from the pains and the harming of Palestinians," urging Israel to end its current military operation. Speaking for the Palestinian Authority, Erekat—like Hamas' Sheik Yassin—reminds Israelis that there's no end in sight to Palestinian suicide bombings. Linking a cease-fire now to political discussions would reward terror and invite more suicide bombing. "Arafat's dictatorship has indoctrinated a generation of Palestinians in a culture of death, producing waves of human bombs that massacre Jews," said former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, testifying before the U.S. Senate. While there are some differences between Bin Laden and Arafat, terror cannot be used as a form of political blackmail.

      Had Israel found only isolated pockets of terror inside the camps, it would be much easier to conclude military operations. Though the press highlights Sharon's recalcitrance, the military found destabilizing levels of weaponry inside impoverished civilian centers. Without completing a thorough de-fanging operation, no peace agreement can succeed while civilians continue building bombs. Erekrat's wrong assuming that new suicide bombing proves the worthlessness of Israel's military operation. When civilians are deliberately armed to fight a guerrilla war, it's impossible to put signatures on peace deals. Sharon isolated Arafat precisely because he couldn't adhere to his promises signed at Oslo. While Palestinians insist that Arafat is their only legitimate representative, the fact remains that he failed to live up to his end of the bargain. Had he abrogated the treaty in Sept. 2000, Israelis would have taken preemptive action. Instead, he chose slick propaganda, frequently playing good cop-bad cop, denying his involvement and blaming "radical" groups for terror.

      Good PR dictates that the White House shows evenhandedness, but shouldn't involve compromising the Bush Doctrine. Pressuring Israel to prematurely end its military operation won't make or break Powell's current mission. For any deal to have a prayer, the terror issue must be confronted squarely. As long as Palestinians see suicide bombings as a legitimate form of "resistance," peace efforts won't go anywhere. Since 9/11, murdering civilians can't achieve any political solution. Telling Congress that Arafat is "the only one to negotiate with," Vice President Dick Cheney admits to the dismal prospects for peace. Leading conservatives, like Rep. Tom Delay (R-Texas), called on the White House to allow Israel to "dismantle the Palestinian leadership," because he sees Arafat as "completely untrustworthy." While Powell's mission walks a dangerous tightrope, it doesn't require the U.S. to compromise its principles. By asserting the Bush Doctrine, Powell reminds Arafat that he must renounce terror or quietly step aside. It's tempting to blame both sides, but there can be no compromise when it comes to suicide bombing.

      If the U.S. appears biased toward Israel, it's because Israel is the only true democracy in the Middle East. Since the fall of the Shah in 1979 and rise of radical Islam, the U.S. needed a strong and secure ally to project its power. With Saudi Arabia and Egypt grumbling about U.S. forces, only Israel represents a known quantity for intelligence and stability. Iraq's feeble attempt to destabilize world oil markets reminds the U.S. that Saddam chooses incitement over constructive dialogue. Subsidizing suicide bombers doesn't score points as the White House calculates its next move in the war on terrorism. No matter how unpopular, following the Bush Doctrine sets clear parameters for Arab countries losing moral clarity about the path to peace. If Arafat can't switch gears, it's time for Palestinians to reassess their real priorities. If they really pine for a Palestinian state, they must abandon necrophilia and renounce terror. Powell's ultimate mission should remind all parties that the Bush Doctrine is the only real road to peace.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for the Los Angeles Daily Journal. He's director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in political consulting and strategic communication. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.


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