by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright April 8, 2007
All Rights Reserved.

hen President George W. Bush's troop surge began Feb. 14, radical Shiite Cleric Moqtada al-Sadr disbanded his 10,000-plus al-Mahdi militia and disappeared off the map. Since Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki announced that he could no longer assure al-Sadr's safety, the 34-year-old anti-American firebrand either fled to Iran or remains incognito in Iraq. U.S. authorities thought al-Sadr had finally joined forces, accepting Iraq's new government and U.S. occupation. Those closer to al-Sadr remained skeptical of his sudden conversion. To mark the April 9, 2003 fall of Baghdad, al-Sadr asked his followers to once again attack American forces, though it's doubtful he ever stopped his guerrilla war against the U.S. “You, the Iraq army and police forces, don't walk alongside the occupiers, because they are your archenemy,” said the statement attributed to al-Sadr.

      Since the U.S. crackdown, U.S. authorities insisted violence in-and-around Baghdad diminished. While there are less Iraqi deaths, U.S. deaths remain the same. Sen. John McCain insisted Baghdad was safe enough to walk the streets, despite the heavy security and fortifications used to secure a neighborhood for his photo-op. After the troop surge, security experts anticipated less violence around Baghdad. Adjusting tactics, insurgents have cleverly shifted the bombings to outside area. “God has ordered you to be patient in front of your enemy, and unify your efforts against them—not against the sons of Iraq,” said al-Sadr, encouraging Iraq's insurgents, and soldiers inside Iraq's military, to resist U.S. occupation. With a new funding bill languishing in Congress, the White House and its allies, like McCain, are touting the troop surge's progress in the Baghdad area.

      President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney continue to apply maximum heat on Congress to secure the new $124 billion funding bill. They frequently cite the need to support the troops, blaming partisan politics for threatening the mission. Washington shouldn't micromanage the war, insist Bush and Cheney. According to this logic, decisions about equipment and troops should be left to the military in the theater or the troops themselves. Bush and Cheney know that Washington sets policy and provides the funding. Military leaders and troops can't assess the “wisdom” of a policy that's causing daily casualties and billions in lost tax dollars. To the extent that public opinion matters, the Nov. 7 midyear election spoke loud-and-clear for a coherent exit strategy. No commander or soldier in the field can assess whether the current policy best serves the military or country.

      Threatening to de-fund the war reflects the Congress's feeble attempt to get the White House on the same page. Every patriot wants the U.S. to succeed. But defining success or objectively measuring success remains controversial. McCain hails progress in Baghdad but knows that the U.S. faces a relentless enemy, personified in the Bin Laden-like rhetoric of radical cleric al-Sadr. “He's not calling for a resurgence of sectarian conflict. He's striking a nationalist chord. We're going to have to watch him closely. He's not our friend . . . He's acknowledging the surge is working,” said Sen. Joseph Lieberman (I-Conn.) on CNN's “Late Edition," making two contradictions. Everyone knows al-Sadr is a sworn U.S. enemy. Despite his disappearance, he hasn't stopped attacking the U.S. Al Sadr's al-Mahdi army has been attacking Sunnis and U.S. targets since the war began.

      Thousands of al-Sadr followers took to the streets in Baghdad and Najaf to protest the four-year anniversary of Saddam's fall. Bush and Cheney have never acknowledged the extent of infiltration by insurgents in Iraq's new military. Iraq's inability to control its own security forces stems from ambivalence about Iraq's new government. Many consider al-Maliki's government a puppet regime. Al Sadr's al-Mahdi army and Sunni insurgents have shifted the battle to Baqouba and the Dyalia province, areas outside Baghdad. Progress in Baghdad attributed to the troop surge indicates that violence has shifted to suburban and exurban areas. Touting Baghdad's progress buys the White House more time while considering how to respond to a stepped up insurgency. When 11 U.S. soldiers died over the weekend, it belied White House claims about the successful troop surge.

      Disturbing recent Iraqi polls indicate that it's OK to attack American targets. Al Sadr's recent demonstrations prove that growing numbers of Iraqis believe the U.S. is the enemy and an occupying force. “The faithful should participate in demonstrations in Najaf April 9, demanding that the occupiers withdraw from our lands. They should carry or wear Iraqi flags,” read the statement from al-Sadr, expressing forceful opposition to the U.S. mission. Bush and Cheney warn of a humanitarian crisis if U.S. forces pull out. More careful evidence reveals that a humanitarian crisis already exists, with growing numbers of civilians and U.S. soldiers killed or injured preserving an unwanted elected government. Bush and Cheney may see the Armed Service as liberators. Judging by the amount of death and destruction, it's clear growing numbers see the U.S. as the problem, not the answer.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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