by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright April 6, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

ighting terrorism, President George W. Bush spelled out his new doctrine: The civilized world will not tolerate suicide bombers for any cause or justification. When Bin Laden's Islamic suicide hijackers struck American soil on Sept. 11 the U.S. turned a new page of history. Since the end of World War II, American foreign policy battled the stubborn advance of Soviet communism, engulfing Eastern Europe and threatening the third world. Known as the Truman Doctrine, the U.S. committed American political and military will to countering Soviet expansion "at a series of constantly shifting geographic and political points," according Pulitzer prize-winning journalist and Soviet expert George F. Kennan. Still euphoric over the fall of the Berlin Wall, Americans were lulled into a false sense of security, believing that winning the Cold War ended America's biggest threat. But when Ayatollah Khomeni ejected the Shah and hijacked Iran in 1979, the U.S. was blindsided by a new global threat—radical Islamic fundamentalism. Only after the American embassy was sacked and diplomatic personnel taken hostage, did the U.S. finally take notice.

      President Jimmy Carter's stinging loss to Ronald Reagan in 1980 reflected, in no small part, disgust over a steady decline in American power—especially Carter's aborted hostage rescue mission. Losing Tehran dealt America an unmistakable blow in the Persian Gulf. Consolidating power and picking his battles, Khomeni chose to release the hostages minutes after Reagan's inauguration, rather than confront an unknown quantity with a reputation for decisive action. Without Tehran, Israel grew in strategic importance during the Reagan years, realizing that the U.S. must continue to project its power in the region. Despite the fall of the Shah, few realized the dangers of Islamic extremism. The 10-year long Iran-Iraq War muddied the waters, watching Shiites and Sunnis battle for survival—neutralizing fears that radical Islam would direct its fury to the West. When Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1991, the U.S. mission and U.N. mandate was evicting Iraq, not liquidating Saddam Hussein or containing radical Islam. Faced with international pressure, then President George H.W. Bush ended the Gulf War letting Saddam stay in Baghdad.

      Prevailing wisdom held that toppling Hussein would destabilize the region, create a dangerous power vacuum, and give rise to more Islamic extremism. Those same voices now counsel patience with Yasser Arafat, fearing greater radicalization with his departure. But two years after the Gulf War, a new president couldn't see the growing Islamic threat when terrorists struck the World Trade Center in 1993. Only few years before, Pan Am Flight 103 was downed by Libyan terrorists, an apparent retaliation to Reagan's action against strongman Muammar Qadhafi. In the years following the Gulf War, radical Islam, in the name of Osama bin Laden, began its relentless war on America, with the suicide bombings in 1998 of U.S. embassies in East Africa. Back then Clinton shot Tomahawk Cruise missiles at Bin Laden's training camps near Kabul and a pharmaceutical plant in Kartoun, Sudan. Two years later Bin Laden struck again with another suicide bombing, blowing a 40-foot hole in the guided missile frigate Cole in Yemen's Port of Aden, killing 17 U.S. seamen. It's no accident that the Cole was commissioned to intercept illegal Iraqi oil.

      Eluding the CIA and FBI, Bin Laden scored a knockout on Sept 11. pulling off 4 simultaneous hijackings, downing the World Trade Center Twin Towers and decimating the Pentagon. In case anyone forgot, Bin Laden's Islamic suicide bombers carried out the attacks. Since 9/11, apologists rationalize Bin Laden's mass murder as motivated by misguided U.S. foreign policy—namely, supporting Israel and stationing U.S. troops on "sacred" Saudi soil. Bush's doctrine, in effect, breaks the link between terror and political outcomes. Arafat still hasn't caught up with changes since Sept. 11. Drawing a line in the sand, the Bush Doctrine correctly spells out an absolute and categorical rejection of terror under any conditions—no matter how it's defined. Bush recognized that civilization, as we know it, depends on a total repudiation of suicide bombings. "Terror must be stopped. No nation can negotiate with terrorists, for there is no way to make peace with those whose only goal is death," said Bush, sending a loud signal to Arafat that the U.S. is rapidly losing patience. After 9/11, the U.S. will not tolerate suicide bombing because it invites mass murder and rewards terrorism.

      With deadly suicide bombing spiraling out of control, Israel had no choice but to take preemptive action. Arafat and radical groups like Hamas, Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade and Islamic Jihad believe that suicide bombing pressures Israel to make political concessions. Now under siege in Ramallah, Arafat complains about intolerable Israeli occupation. "The situation in which he finds himself today is largely his own making. He has missed his opportunities and betrayed the hopes of his people," said Bush, reminding Arafat and Mideast leaders that the U.S. and its allies will no longer tolerate terror. Bristling at Bush's remarks as "unjustified and unacceptable," chief Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat must stop his defiance or face ostracism from Washington. Sending Secretary of State Colin Powell to the region, Bush decided that "enough is enough." Following special envoy Anthony Zinni, Powell will deliver a blunt message to Arafat: Either sign the Tenet ceasefire plan or the U.S. will no longer recognize the Palestinian Authority. While painted as one-sided, Palestinians must accept the Bush Doctrine or prepare to go it alone.

      Etching his mark in history, President Bush remains resolute in his determination to fight global terrorism. His moral imperative stems from the horrific events of Sept. 11. –and the focus of his administration—above all else—is preserving freedom and assuring national security. While he sympathizes with the Palestinian cause, terror is no longer an acceptable way to achieve Palestinian statehood. Secretary of State Powell will deliver a simple message to Arafat and Palestinian leaders: Stop suicide bombing and terror or risk alienating the United States. By retaining the "right to defend ourselves" against "this aggression against our people, against our towns, our refugee camps," with suicide bombing, the Palestinian Authority still hasn't got the message. Iraq, Syria and Saudi Arabia must stop subsidizing suicide bombers and give peace a chance. Arafat must tell his people that suicide bombing won't lead to liberation—only death and chaos. No civilized society can tolerate mass murder. Only by following the Bush Doctrine can all parties realize a just and comprehensive peace. Three cheers to President Bush for having the vision and sticking to his guns.

About the Author.

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for the Los Angeles Daily Journal. He's director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in political consulting and strategic communication. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma

©1999-2012 Discobolos Consulting Services, Inc.
(310) 204-8300
All Rights Reserved.