by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright March 26, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

redicting an upset victory in Nov. 2000, Bush's top California operative investment banker Gerald R. Parsky hoped for the best but got slapped on election day. Losing by a whopping 13%, Bush lost not, as some would have you believe, because Republicans are an endangered species but because his message didn't move California voters. Though Bush enjoys extraordinary approval ratings since 9/11, they don't necessarily translate into coattails in California. As former LA mayor Richard Riordan found out, White House endorsements only take you so far. Most Californians applaud Bush's war on terrorism, but take exception to his policies affecting the state—especially energy. Simon's stunning come-from-behind win against White House-backed Riordan demonstrated fierce independence of California's GOP. Since Riordan's embarrassing defeat, Parsky and the White House abruptly jumped ship. But unlike Bush, popular former New York City mayor Rudolf Giuliani carries only positives—certainly not the baggage of California's energy crisis.

      Simon's campaign stands at a dangerous crossroads: GOP infighting threatens to usurp Simon's momentum as he mends fences and pushes ahead—especially with fund-raising controlled, in no small part, by Parsky. Blaming Parsky or, for that matter, the White House for Riordan's collapse makes about as much sense as only crediting Gray Davis for Simon's stunning success. Unlike Riordan, Simon delivered a passionate message to GOP voters, not wasting time campaigning against a beleaguered incumbent. Parsky had nothing to do with Riordan's missteps. But he must now bury the hatchet—together with Secretary of State Bill Jones and former Gov. George Dukemejian—and get behind the Simon campaign. "Gerry Parsky should do the honorable thing and step aside so that he doesn't become a further embarrassment to the White House or to the state party," said former GOP state chairman Michael Schroeder, stepping out of line and playing into Davis" hands. Fingering Parsky now does little to end the GOP feud.

      With Parsky busy planning Bush's fund-raising swing through the state, it's no time to quibble about old news. Simon must show strong leadership by directing GOP energies to the task of beating Davis. Whatever Parsky and Schroeder's beef, it has no place distracting the party from it goal in November. "Schroeder is not authorized to make those statements on behalf of the campaign, and they do not reflect the view of senior management of the campaign," said Simon campaign chairman John Herrington, disowning Schroeder's incendiary remarks. Schroeder's off-the-cuff words grabbed headlines, fueling speculation that the state's GOP still has some bruised egos. Like Schroeder, Parsky also ruffled some feathers on March 6., telling the New York Times that an "extreme conservative" couldn't get elected in California, apparently referring to Bill Simon. When Riordan's campaign tanked, he repeatedly attacked Simon as an "extremist"—though it was clearly last ditch mud slinging. Galvanizing the state GOP, Simon's views more closely resemble Ronald Reagan's than his party's ultra right wing.

      While GOP insiders jockey for control, Simon must stay on message, painting a better picture for disgruntled voters. Faced with a whopping $17 billion budget deficit, growing unemployment, and a stubborn recession, Simon has a golden opportunity to distinguish himself from Davis. Relying too heavily on old planks from the Republican national platform won't galvanize California voters looking for practical solutions to the state's pressing problems—nor will White House positions on controversial domestic and foreign issues. Only Giuliani's message of civic duty, heroism and a brighter future moves voters. Growing state budget deficits raise the specter of more regulation, higher taxes, unemployment and diminished opportunities. What works in Washington won't necessarily work in the Golden State. Surely the White House position on energy poses serious risks for Simon. Close ties to big Texas oil also won't endear Simon to moderates, independents and crossover Democrats.

      No matter what the rifts, the Simon campaign can't afford to alienate any part of its Republican base—certainly not party loyalists in Orange County. Schroeder's remarks reflect that certain GOP insiders feel excluded and require more attention. "The election of Bill Simon is dependent on a close working relationship with the president and his designated representative in California. So far, that relationship has been very close and Parsky has been very helpful since the primary was over," said Herrington, reminding Schroeder that the state GOP welcomes White House support. But the Simon campaign must make every effort to mend fences inside the state. Calling Parsky "arrogant" and "out of step with rank-and-file Republicans in California," Dick Mountjoy, president of the conservative California Republican Assembly, reminds Simon that there's more work to be done—especially about ongoing reforms and how the GOP spends its money. Fighting about money and power won't overhaul the state party or help Simon's chances in November.

      White House involvement should help Simon as long it doesn't divert attention to controversial national issues or create dissension within the ranks. Unlike other candidates, Simon's in a unique situation, capable of financing his own campaign but welcoming a wider consensus. White House chief strategist Karl Rove knows that Parsky isn't to blame Bush's disappointment in the last election. California's demographic changes ratchet up the challenge to Republican candidates—that goes with the territory. All Californians hunger for better jobs, health care, education and more opportunity. With a sputtering economy and whopping deficits, all of those great issues are in doubt in a Golden State blanketed with dark clouds. Running for the statehouse involves consolidating your base and broadening a coalition to all voters dissatisfied with the status quo. Unmet promises, fiscal ineptness and overall mismanagement make a good case for changing leadership—regardless of party or type of industry. White House support shouldn't distract Simon from selling his program in the Golden State.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for the Los Angeles Daily Journal. He's director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in political consulting and strategic public relations. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

©1999-2012 Discobolos Consulting Services, Inc.
(310) 204-8300
All Rights Reserved.