by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright March 20, 2003
All Rights Reserved.

efore Tomahawk Cruise Missiles lit up the early-morning skies above Baghdad March 20, signaling the beginning Operation Liberate Iraq, 2 million leaflets were dropped in the southern no-fly zone, inviting Saddam's troops to surrender. Looking for a quick knockout, the Pentagon hopes to convince Iraqi troops their situation is hopeless, sparing unnecessary death and destruction. "To avoid destruction . . . Do not approach coalition forces. Wait for further instructions . . ." the leaflet advised, telling Iraqis to throw down weapons and abandon tanks—giving the fine points of surrender. Demoralizing Iraqi troops is a major strategy, hoping to soften opposition to conquering Iraq. Pentagon planners know the real battle is over the hearts and minds of the Iraqi military, busy following orders yet hoping to survive Saddam's demise. Nothing kills morale more than hopelessness and despair.

     For weeks, the Pentagon telegraphed that Saddam would be hit with everything but the kitchen sink, culminating with a high profile publicity stunt showcasing a new 23, 000-pound fuel-air bomb, more devastating that the cave-busting 15,000-pound "daisy-cutter" dropped on Bin Laden in Tora Bora. Advertising "shock and awe," isn't to brag about U.S. might, but to break the enemy's will to fight. When the army crosses the Iraq-Kuwait border on its way to Baghdad, it hopes to encounter as little resistance as possible. Telling the Iraqi military it doesn't have a prayer and to give up is sound battlefield strategy. "Preparing the battlefield," goes beyond hitting radar installations and command and control bunkers, it involves a methodical game of psychological warfare, including artful deception, calculated disinformation and well-orchestrated news leaks. While the press seeks news, the military seeks tactical advantage.

     Daily press briefings are not only a vehicle of informing the press but the main tool of manipulating the enemy. Preserving the element of surprise provides tactical benefits, protecting the armed forces and securing the mission. "The day of your liberation may soon be at hand," said Sec. of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld, telling Iraq's military that their cause is hopeless. "The days of the Saddam Hussein regime are numbered. We continue to feel there is no need for a broader conflict if the Iraqi leaders act to save themselves and to prevent further conflict," informing troops and civilians that conflict only prolongs the inevitable. Throwing the press for a loop, the Pentagon's first mission involved surgical strikes on a "target of opportunity," not the expected "shock and awe" display of might. Pentagon spokespersons make no distinction between the press and enemy combatants while disseminating information.

     Firing a shot across the bow, the Pentagon hope to keep Iraqi commanders off balance, while tactical operations are busy underway. "The president would like very much to see the Iraqi people save their lives, the Iraqi military save their lives, by laying down their arms and by not following their orders," said White House Press Secretary Ari Fleischer, telling the Iraqi military to give up or face certain annihilation. Pentagon planners are busy considering the reconstruction efforts once Iraq surrenders. Minimizing casualties and destruction early on helps keep down the price tag and potential avalanche of bad publicity should "collateral damage" and human misery dominate the headlines. Though the U.S. boasts a strong coalition, world opinion weighs heavily against military intervention, with France, Germany, Russian and China—and much of the Arab world—voicing strong opposition.

     Wining the war involves much more than battlefield victories. Public opinion must be carefully orchestrated to quell growing rancor at the U.N., whose collective efforts did little to serve U.S. national security. Furious over ending weapons inspections, the U.N. hierarchy is busy planting poisonous seeds in the world press, attempting to sabotage coalition efforts to topple Saddam. With the clock now ticking, the White House has limited time before condemnations dominate the headlines. It's wishful thinking to expect Saddam to roll over anytime soon. As in the first Gulf War, he'll no doubt try to take the Pentagon's best shot and solicit international sympathy. "He hopes they'll be able to hold out in Baghdad long enough to create an international uproar that puts enough pressure on Washington and London so he'll be able to survive," said Gary Samore, a director with the London-based Institute for Strategic Studies.

     Psychological warfare involves more than demoralizing and tricking enemies to surrender. Pentagon planners must counter not only Iraqi propagandists but also those currently hijacking the U.N. as a public forum to discredit the U.S. Whatever the weather and military obstacles, coalition forces face dangerous riptides in public opinion threatening to upend the current mission. Opponents to the war are busy charting the best strategy to generate insurmountable condemnation against U.S. actions. No sandstorm compares to swirling denunciations circulating in the world and domestic press. Since Sept. 11, it's up to the White House to remind the press—both foreign and domestic—that the U.N. didn't prevent the most devastating terrorist attack in world history. No foreign body can dictate what the U.S. must do to defend its national security. With that in mind, public opinion also can't be ignored.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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