by John M. Curtis
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Copyright February 27, 2000
All Rights Reserved.

e don’t have inflation because the people are living too well . . . we have inflation because the government is living too well," quipped feisty presidential candidate Ronald Reagan during campaign '80, responding to president Carter’s suggestion that the American people needed to do with less. Rejecting this idea, Reagan asked voters some simple questions: (1) "Are you better off than you were 4 years ago?" (2) "Is it easier to buy things in the stores than it was 4 years ago?" And, (3) "Is America as respected around the world as it was 4 years ago?" While the last question is anyone’s guess, the former two are as obvious today as they were then. Most Americans aren’t scratching their heads wondering whether they’re better off—at least financially.

       Putting his finger on America’s pulse, Reagan recognized the plight of the average American was punished by Carter’s double-digit inflation and failed economy. He reminded hard-working voters that the American Dream wasn’t dead, though passing into obscurity. Reminding voters that America’s best days were still ahead, Reagan wasn’t begging for cross-over Democrats and independents, they were flocking to his upbeat message. Like the Pied Piper, he enchanted disheartened voters and gave them hope. Unlike Reagan’s message, Bush’s boils down to dollars and cents. Tax cuts, nice as they are, don’t inspire mass movements or successful campaigns, like Reagan’s crusade to save the American dream. What’s today’s message? Give Americans more to spend on bells and whistles?

       Closer to bulls-eye is McCain’s emphasis on purging the White House of its shame and disgrace. Restoring integrity to the presidency, McCain’s message resonates well with moderate independents and cross-over Democrats disgusted with the Lewinsky sex scandal, partisan bickering and legislative gridlock. McCain’s emphasis on character best addresses the real issue behind Clinton fatigue: Peoples’ exhaustion with self-indulgence and unending spin. It’s no accident that Mike Murphy’s [McCain’s chief spin doctor] 'straight-talk express,' appeals to reporters who appreciate direct access to candidates over predigested answers by spin doctors. Having said this, it’s surprising to note that McCain’s mastery of the media is second to none in this election cycle. Like Reagan, McCain thrives on playful, animated conversations with the press. Undaunted—actually energized—by the media, McCain stands alone in his ability to orchestrate the press. That’s not a bad thing! After all, getting favorable press is more than half the battle.

       You can’t blame McCain for being more adept at handling the press. Suggesting that McCain’s media contingent is on the payroll ignores the fact that among all the candidates, McCain’s playfulness invites the press into his inner circle rather than the defensiveness and bunker mentality seen in the others. Yes, the press pounces on gaffes and mistakes, but they also reward candidates for what seems like open and spontaneous dialogue. McCain’s earning high marks among the press not—as some would have you believe—because he’s paying off the right people but precisely because he’s more accessible and approachable. Blaming the liberal press ignores the reality that the press responds favorably to candidates who actually enjoy schmoozing. McCain’s hardly regarded as liberal by anyone’s standards. "I’ve had a great run, and I’m having the time of my life," said an exuberant McCain after winning the Michigan primary. Now that’s the right attitude! Candidates 'electricity' stems from fun and energetic interactions with the press. It’s really that simple—or complex depending on how you’re looking at it.

       In most presidential races, substance follows form. Reagan talked about a 'shining city on a hill,' not vouchers for private schools or constitutional amendments banning abortion. Bush’s miscalculation so far involves underestimating the unquenchable thirst of Americans to follow a leader’s utopian blueprint. What’s Bush’s utopia or, for that matter, McCain’s? Rescuing America from runaway inflation and a stagnant economy was easier for Reagan, whose primary strategy cleverly blamed the government for America’s problems. With the economy still strong—though going through some recent gyrations—Reagan’s message is a tougher sell for either Bush or McCain. But unlike Bush, McCain hasn’t shot his wad on a well-intentioned but off-base tax cut proposal. Though tax cuts worked well in 1980, when’s the Bush campaign going to get it? This isn’t 1980.

       While Bradley’s campaign of 'big ideas' draws little enthusiasm, McCain’s 'insurgent' message strikes a similar cord to Reagan’s refreshing anti-Washington themes some 20 years ago. Pitting himself against the establishment, McCain aligns himself with disenfranchised independents and Democrats seeking a change. It also paints his rival as a fossilized appendage of the party establishment. With the demographics changing dramatically during the last two presidential elections, George W. Bush can’t win in November by catering only to the Bob Jones University crowd. Nor can he afford to alienate voters not part of that exclusive club. Many independents and cross-over Democrats get real nervous when the 'compassionate conservative' looks to Jerry Falwell, Pat Robertson and Ralph Reed to bail him out. Bush shouldn’t get seduced into McCain’s new tactic of claiming to be the race’s only true conservative. Bush now needs to redefine himself and reclaim his moderate image.

       Talking the talk, McCain’s success stems less from his war record than his prodigious schmoozing abilities. Clinton proved beyond any doubt that the public wants form over substance. Most people have no clue about McCain’s programs, but they enjoy his straight talk and sense of humor. Voters remember symbols not policy details. For Bush to pull his campaign out of it present nose-dive, he’ll have to turn on the charm, stop pandering to the religious right, and relate to the vast needs of moderate voters, especially in diverse states like New York and California. As the race heats up, look for candidates to blow more smoke and reinvent the wheel. If we get real lucky, maybe they’ll paint a coherent picture of the future.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for The Los Angeles Daily Journal. He’s director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in human behavior, health care, political research and media consultation. He’s the author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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