by John M. Curtis
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Copyright February 20, 2002
All Rights Reserved.

atching its latest brainchild, the Pentagon announced its new Office of Strategic Influence, launched after Sept. 11 to combat pernicious propaganda spread in the Islamic world. Causing gyrations in world opinion, Pentagon officials revealed they would circulate false news stories to foreign media organizations. There's only a couple minor glitches: (1) admitting to deception robs the U.S. of its moral authority and propaganda advantage; and (2) going public with a covert operation totally undermines its effectiveness. Open societies send the wrong message to foreign governments whose state policy is one of duping its citizens. "Government officials, the Department of Defense, this secretary and the people who work with me tell the American people and the people of the world the truth," said Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld at the Salt Lake City Olympics, performing some urgent damage control—though admitting that the U.S. might "very well do things" that throw the enemy off-track.

      Now reversing gears, the Pentagon violated the most basic rule of psychological operations, AKA "psyops"—secrecy. Once the press or public is tipped off, psyops lose its effectiveness. Every neighborhood communication office knows that overtly discussing strategic plans usurps the power of the message. Even using "tactical deception" to gain strategic advantage on the battlefield can't be tolerated when publicly acknowledging the ruse. No strategic planner or operative can flash his cards without paying a price. Rumsfeld tried to put the genie back in the bottle but now invites copious criticism about appropriate practices inside the Pentagon. America's global credibility is a good as the integrity of its information. "Anything they spread overseas will come back here, because information travels so quickly," said Shibley Telhami, a Middle East expert at the Brookings Institution, reminding Rumsfeld that today's news is global. You can't disseminate false news stories to foreign governments when they're simultaneously released to the domestic wire services.

      Dropping leaflets or broadcasting behind enemy lines has always been part of standard military operations. But large-scale information campaigns fall within the bailiwick of the State Department—not the Pentagon. Without State Department control, the Pentagon no longer answers to a higher authority. Creating a new Office of Strategic Influence sets a new precedent by allowing the military to direct its own information warfare. With a multimillion-dollar budget, the new office created an information "war room" designed to combat treacherous propaganda. Headed by Air Force Brig. Gen. Simon P. Worden, the office calls for fabricating news stories for foreign consumption. According to its assistant of operations Thomas A. Timmes, Strategic Influence "rolls up all the instruments within the D.O.D. to influence foreign audiences," ranging from truthful reports to outright fabrications, known as "white" or "black" operations. "It goes from the blackest of black programs to the whitest of white," said a senior Pentagon official, admitting that deception goes with the territory.

      Since 9/11, the White House ratcheted-up the war rhetoric, despite the Afghanistan operation winding down. With Bin Laden and Mullah Mohammed Omar still on the loose, calling Iraq, Iran and North Korea the "axis of evil" hints at the U.S.'s next move, though few people think North Korea is on Bush's hit list. Though worlds apart, Vice President Dick Cheney told a well-healed audience at the Nixon Library that the U.S. can no longer tolerate Saddam Hussein possessing weapons of mass destruction. Paving the way for preemptive action, Bush and Cheney are telegraphing on opposite sides of the planet quite clearly their intentions after Afghanistan. Scheduled for shuttle diplomacy to the Middle East next month, Cheney will press for preemptive steps against Iraq. Announcing disinformation campaigns automatically creates distrust, especially with public officials trying to sell its case for military action. Once the government admits to deception, it's difficult to trust even legitimate reasons for adopting public policies.

      Already of the defensive, the Pentagon can't afford to have its actions questioned either at home or abroad. "Perhaps the most challenging piece of this is putting together what we call a strategic influence campaign quickly and with the right emphasis. That's everything from psychological operations to the public affairs piece to coordinating partners in this effort with us," said Gen. Richard B. Meyers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, giving way too many details. All strategic influence depends on the naiveté of the audience, whether it's foreign governments, the press or public at large. Now that the cat is out of the bag, the Pentagon has to perform fancy damage control. Admitting deception—irrespective of whether it's actually used— robs the military of its effectiveness in orchestrating public opinion. Floating trial balloons and then making embarrassing public retractions hurts the Pentagon's credibility. No matter how unique the war on terrorism, winning the propaganda battle requires discreetness. "At that time, we said 'No,'" said retired Gen. H. Norman Schwarzkopf, rejecting the use of false propaganda at the beginning of the Gulf War. In truth, all propaganda involves slanting stories to gain strategic advantage.

      Covert tactics are an essential part of conducting domestic and foreign policy—and certainly prosecuting military campaigns. "We do have to think of it in a different way," said Rumsfeld, suggesting that the war on terrorism necessitates new and different strategies. What the war on terrorism doesn't need are inappropriate public admissions about new offices manipulating the media and public opinion. Winning propaganda battles—at home or abroad—involves carefully orchestrated tactics designed to bolster domestic support and sabotage foreign enemies. Disseminating slanted info is a lot different than creating "war rooms" to manufacture false news stories. Not only must the Pentagon repudiate bogus press reports, it must immediately stop public disclosures about covert operations. "Lies have a nasty way of being found out," said Ted Galen Carpenter, a foreign policy expert the conservative Cato Institute, confused about the difference between "lies" and strategic propaganda. Before tipping its hand, the Pentagon should reconsider its current approach to public relations.

About the Author

John M. Curtis is editor of OnlineColumnist.com and columnist for the Los Angeles Daily Journal. He's director of a Los Angeles think tank specializing in political consulting and strategic communication. He's author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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