by John M. Curtis
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Copyright February 9, 2005
All Rights Reserved.

haking hands at Sharam El Sheik, Egypt, newly elected Palistinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon declared an official ceasefire, ending the current violent revolt that began when peace talks collapsed in Aug. 2000 during the last days of the Clinton presidency. At that time, Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat rejected former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak's offer, giving Palestinians almost everything except the right-of-return. Abbas faces the same thorny issue, placating Hamas and other radical groups insisting on the return of Palestinian land seized during Israel's 1948 war of independence. Without getting down to brass tacks, it was all smiles at the Egyptian resort, with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and Jordan's King Abdullah II, applauding another round of high hopes and great expectations for a new Mideast peace.

      Ending the latest infidada or uprising was Abbas' first priority, whose first attempt at peacemaking in 2003 ended with his resignation as prime minister of the Palestinian Authority. Criticized for four years for a lack of effort, President George W. Bush was the first American President ever to change paradigms, cutting ties with Arafat. Bush watched Arafat sabotage every agreement, silently giving terrorists the green light. Credit Bush with finally breaking the cycle, insisting on new Palestinian leadership. God knows what really killed Arafat Nov. 11, 2004. But one thing's for sure: Getting Arafat out of the way opened the door the door for the latest peace overture. Abbas knows that more terrorism won't lead to a Palestinian state or much-needed backing from the White House. Without an end to suicide bombings and violence, count the U.S. out.

      Abbas faces a real dilemma placating Hamas and other radical group while simultaneously developing his own security forces. He won't be able to make peace if he can't contain the violent fringe, hell-bent on torpedoing peacemaking. “We agreed that all Palestinians will stop all acts of violence against all Israelis everywhere,” said Sharon, setting up an unrealistic test for moving forward. Shortly after Abbas' election Jan. 9, suicide bombing struck an Israeli border crossing in Gaza. Sharon hastily broke off relations with Abbas, blaming him for failing to control radical Palestinian groups. Abbas walks a dangerous tightrope trying to rein-in militants without seeming controlled by Sharon or Bush. Hamas views itself as the guardian of Palestinian rights. With or without Abbas, Hamas won't end its armed fight or disarm until the Palestinian Authority asserts control.

      Getting back to the “road map,” Sharon and Abbas must save face and sell a peace plan that doesn't look like unilateral capitulation. Sponsored by the United States, Russia, European Union and United Natioins, the “road map” calls for in independent Palestinian state by years' end. Whether it's realistic depends on militants currently controlling the streets in the so-called “occupied territories.” What's beyond ironic is the fact that those “occupied territories” were spoils won during several Arab-Israeli wars. Palestinians never possessed land or had autonomy over Gaza, West Bank or Golan Heights. Abbas knows that he's asking Israel to trade its spoils for a peace deal. Abbas, a moderate Palestinian negotiator, doesn't have Arafat's militant background, leaving him ideally suited for peacemaking. He avoids the incendiary rhetoric that Arafat used to whip Palestinians into a frenzy.

      Without the Arab-Israeli wars, Israel wouldn't have the land needed to negotiate a comprehensive settlement. Yet it's not Gaza, West Bank or Golan Heights that created the stumbling block at Camp David in 2000. Militants insist upon the non-negotiable right-of-return to Israel proper. Palestinians have legitimate claims to land seized during Israel's 1948 war of independence. Sharon believes that returning land inside Israel would lead to the destruction of the Jewish state. Final settlement talks should compensate legitimate Palestinian landowners unable to return. Abbas must sell militants on the idea that compensation for land lost in Israel plus the Gaza strip, West Bank, part of the Golan Heights and possibly East Jerusalem would satisfy a comprehensive peace settlement. Abbas must show militants that he won't have his authority questioned by renegade groups.

      Under the new Bush paradigm, Palestinians and Israelis have the best chance of closing a peace deal. Former presidents Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton never had the guts to finally dump Arafat. With Arafat out of the picture, the U.S. has a legitimate peace partner with Mahmoud Abbas. Abbas must show patience while beginning the process of beefing up his security forces, not to defend the Palestinian Authority against Israel but to contain militants threatening the peace process. “Hamas will commit to the truce, if Israel is also committed,” said Mohammad Dahlan, optimistic that Abbas can restrain radical groups to begin negotiating a comprehensive peace. If Hamas and other radicals don't back down, Abbas will need direct U.S. military help before the peace process can move ahead. As long as extremists control the streets, there's no “road map” that can lead to a Palestinian state.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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