by John M. Curtis
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Copyright January 29, 2006
All Rights Reserved.

inning a stunning victory in Palestinian parliamentary elections Jan. 25, the radical group Hamas turned the Middle East peace process on its head. With Yasser Arafat's unexpected death Nov. 11, 2004, Palestinians couldn't get behind U.S.-backed Mahmoud Abbas, doing little to reverse years of corruption and deplorable conditions. Formed by Sheik Ahmed Yassin in 1987, Hamas was created in response to the late Yasser Arafat's peace concessions to Israel stemming partly from President Jimmy Carter's 1978 Camp David Accords, signing an historic peace treaty with Egypt. For many Palestinians, Arafat sold out, opting—at least publicly—for diplomacy over armed conflict. When Egypt's Anwar Sadat made peace with Israel, it set in motion an irreversible diplomatic paradigm, forcing Arafat to join the peace process. Sadat paid the ultimate price Oct. 6, 1981.

      Unlike Arafat, a secular Muslim, Yassin believed in the pan-Islamic movement, epitomized by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran. To Yassin, if it happened in Iran, it could happen in the Palestinian territories. It was no accident that Yassin formed Hamas one year before Arafat's Palestinian Assembly voted to formally accept Israel. What began as fiery sermons in the mosque, Yassin transformed Hamas into a faith-based charity, giving dislocated Palestinians schools, medical clinics and social services. Unlike Arafat's Palestine Liberation Organization, Hamas continued to fight Israel, rejecting U.N. Resolutions 242 and 338, promising lasting peace in exchange for returning to borders before the 1967 Six-Day War. Though Arfat maintained his armed struggle through Fatah, he drove a hard bargain, threatening to let Yassin lash out.

      Rejecting the PLO was no surprise to Mideast experts watching growing Islamic movements give rise to disenfranchised groups. Mismanagement, corruption, mounting frustration and years empty promises pushed Palestinians to pick Hamas over the PLO. Instead of joining Hamas in a coalition government, Arafat's loyalists vowed to form an opposition party. “We will be a loyal opposition and rebuild the party,” said Fatah legislator and former PLO peace negotiator Saab Erekat, hoping his secular party could one day return to power. Despite the return of the Gaza Strip, Palestinians have become more radicalized, returning to violence to regain land lost during Israel's 1948 War of Independence. Since the 2000 intifada [uprising] began after Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon visited Temple Mount, Hamas joined Arafat's Al Aqsa Brigades, conducting suicide bombings against Israel.

      Hamas faces unprecedented accountability, no longer able to operate as a stealth terrorist group. Arafat was frequently criticized for being unable to stop militant groups like Hamas from perpetrating violence against Israel. It's a whole new ballgame now that Hamas assumes responsibility for governing Palestinians. Since President Richard M. Nixon, Palestinians have counted on U.S. aid, now threatened by Hamas' charter calling for Israel's destruction. If for no other reason, Hamas will be forced deal with the harsh realities of governing, requiring substantial U.S. aid. “If your platform is the destruction of Israel, it means you're not a partner in peace, and we're interested in peace,” said President George W. Bush, putting Hamas on notice that they stand to lose U.S. aid. “Don't be afraid,” Hamas leader Ismail Haniya told the BBC, sounding conciliatory, hoping to reassure worried world leaders.

      When Israel assassinated Hamas' founder and spiritual leader 66-year-old quadraplegic Sheikh Ahmed Yassin March 22, 2004, Hamas—through spokesman Ismail Haniya—vowed revenge, launching a series of deadly suicide attacks. Only three weeks later, Israel killed Yassin's successor and Hamas co-founder 56-year-old Abdel-Aziz Al Rantisi in an Apache helicopter missile strike. While there's little stomach in Hamas for peacemaking, they face political suicide if they don't renounce violence and rewrite their charter. Unlike past presidents, Bush won't tolerate terrorism in leaders responsible for Mideast peacemaking. Since taking office in 2001, Bush cut off Arafat, banishing him to his bombed-out Ramallah compound before he took sick and died Nov. 11, 2004. Hamas' senior leadership walks a tightrope pandering to militants and now leading the Palestinian government.

      After years of calling the shots, Hamas finally takes official control of Palestinian affairs. Disgruntled PLO members have no one to blame but themselves, failing to deliver key services to the Palestinian people. It won't take long for Haniya to realize he must be practical to manage 3-million Palestinians, including paying the salaries of 150,000 civil servants responsible for maintaining the current infrastructure. With its network of schools, clinics and charities, Hamas should be well-suited to wrest control of the Palestinian bureaucracy, entrenched with corruption and incompetence. Whether Hamas can do any better is anyone's guess. Now that Hamas speaks for all Palestinians, there's no reason to believe it won't meet international standards and negotiate with Israel. Since Hamas declared victory, Israel and the world community have been too defensive, rather than congratulating and extending an olive branch to Haniya and the new Palestinian leadership.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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